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of government must needs be the most excellent, and the people's liberty most secured, where governors are least exposed to the baits and snares of luxury.

The evidence of this may be made out, not only by reason but by examples old and new. And first, by reason, it is evident, that the people must needs be less luxurious than kings or the great ones because they are bounded within a more lonely pitch of desire and imagination : give them but panem & tircenses; bread, sport and ease, and they are abundantly satisfied. Besides, the people have less means and opportunities for luxury, than those pom pous standing powers, whether in the hands of one or many : so that were they never so much inclined to vice or vanity, yet they are not able to run on to che same measure of excess and riot. Secondly, as it appears they are less luxurious; so, for this cause also, it is clear, they (that is, their successive representatives) must be the best governors; not only, because the current of succefsion keeps them the less corrupt and presumptuous; but also, because, being the more free from luxurious courses, they are likewise free from those oppressive and injurious practices, which kings and grandees are most commonly led and forced unto, to hold up the port and splendor of their tyranny, and to satisfy those natural appetites of covetousness, pride, ambition and oftentation, which are the perpetual attendants of great ones, and luxury. Thus much for reason.

Now, for example, we might produce a cloud of instances to few, that free-states, or the people duly qualified with the supreme authority, are less devoted to luxury, than the grandee or kingly powers: but we thall give you only a few.

The first that comes in our way is the state of Athens, which whilft it remained free in the people's hands, was adorned with such govenors as gave them up to a serious, abstemious, severe course of life; so that whilst temperance and liberty walked hand in hand, they improved the points of valour and pru. dence so high, that in a short time they became the only arbitrators of all affairs in Greece. But being at the height, then after the common fate of all worldly powers,) they began to decline; for (contrary to the rules of a free-state) permitting some men to greaten themselves, by continuing long in power and authority, they soon lost their pure principles of severity and liberty: for, upstarted those thirty grandees (commonly called the tyrants) who having usurped a standing authority unto themselves, presently quitted the old difcipline and freedom, gave up themselves first to charm of luxury, and afterwards to all the practices of an absolute tyranny. Such also was the condition of that state, when at another time (as in the days of Pistratus) it was usurped in the hands of a single tyrant,

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From Athens let us pass to Rome, where we find it in the days of Tarquin, dissolved into debauchery. Upon the change of government, their manners where somewhat mend. ed, as were the governors in the senate : but that being a standing power, foon grew corrupt; and first let in luxury, then tyranny, till the people being interested in the government established a good discipline and freedom both together; which, was upheld with all severity, till the ten grandees, came in play; after whose deposition, liberty and fobriety began to breathe again, till the days of Sylla, Marius, and other gran- . dees that followed down to Cæfar, in whose time luxury and tyranny grew to such a height, that unless it were in the life and conversation of Cato, there was not so much as one spark that could be raked out of the alhes, of the old Roman disci. pline and freedom'; so that of all the world, only Cato remained as a monument of that temperance, virtue and freedom which flourished under the government of the people.

Omitting many other examples, our conclufion upon these particulars shall be this, that since the grandee or kingly powers are ever more luxurious than the popular are, or can be; and since luxury ever brings on tyranny, as the only bane of liberty ; certainly the rights and privileges of the people,

placed placed and provided for, in due and orderly succession of their supreme affemblies, must needs remain more secure in their own hands, than in any others whatsoever.

A tenth reason, to prove the excellency of a free-ftate or government by the people, above any other form of government, is, because under this government, the people are ever indued with a more magnanimous, active, and noble temper of spirit, than under the grandeur of any standing power whatsoever. And this arises from that apprehension which every particular man hath of his own immediate share in the public intereft, as well as of that security which he possesses in the enjoyment of his private fortune, free from the reach of any arbitrary power. Hence it is that whensoever any good success or happiness betides the public, every one counts it his own: if the commonwealth conquer, thrive in dominion wealth or honour, he reckons all done for himself; if he sees distributions of honour, high offices, or great rewards, to vam liant, virtuous, or learned persons, he esteems them as his own, as long as he hath a door left open to succeed in the same dignities and enjoyments, if he can attain unto the same measure of desert. This it is which makes men aspire unto great actions, when the reward depends not upon the will and pleasure of particular persons, as it doth under all standing powers; but is conferred upon men (without any consideration of birth or fortune) according to merit, as it ever is, and ought to be in free-states, that are rightly conftituted.

"The truth of this will appear much more evident, if you list a little to take a view of the condition of people, under various forms of government: for, the Romans of old, while under kings, as you heard before) remained a very inconfiderable people, either in dominion or reputation ; and could never inlarge their command very far beyond the walls of their city. Afterwards, being reduced unto that standing power of the fenate, they began to thrive a little better, and, for a little time: yet all they could do, was only to struggle for a

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subsistence among bad neighbours. But at length, when the people began to know, claim, and possess their liberties in being governed by a succession of their supreme officers and assemblies; then it was, and never till then, that they laid the foundation, and built the structure of that wondrous empire that overshadowed the whole world. And truly the founding of it must needs be more wonderful, and a great argument of an extaordinary courage and magnanimity, wherewith the people was indued in recovery of liberty; because their first conquests were laid in the ruin of mighty nations, and such as were every jot as free as themselves: which made the difficulties, so much the more, by how much the more free (and consequently, the more courageous) they were, against whom they made opposition: for as in those days the world abounded with free-ftates, more than any other form, as all over Italy, Gallia, Spain, and Africa, &c. fo efpecially in Italy, where the Tuscans, the Samnites, and other emulators and competitors of the Roman freedom, approved themselves such magnanimous defenders of their liberty against Rome, that they endured wars so many years with utmost ex. tremity, before ever they could be brought'to bow under the Roman yoke. This magnanimous state of freedom was the cause also why Carthage was enabled so long, not only to oppose, but often to hazard the Roman fortune, and usurp the laurel. It brought Hannibal within view, and the Gauls within the walls of the city, to a besieging of the capitol; to shew, that their freedom had given them the courage to‘rob her of her maiden-head, who afterwards became mistress of the whole world. But what serves all this for, but only to thew that as nothing but a state of freedom could have enabled those nations with a courage fufficient so long to withstand the Roman power : fo Rome herself also was beholden to this state of freedom, for those sons of courage which brought the necks of her fister-states and nations under her girdle?' And it is obfervable also in after times, when tyranny took place against

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liberty, the Romans soon lost their ancient courage and magnanimity; firft under usurping dictators, then under emperors, and in the end the empire itself.

Now, as on the one side, we feel a loss of courage and mag. nanimity, follow the loss of freedom: so, on the other side the people ever grow magnanimous and courageous upon a recovery ; witness at present, the valiant Swisses, the Hollanders, and not long fince, our own nation, when declared a free state, and a re-establishment of our freedom in the hands of the people procured, (though not secured) what noble defigns were undertaken and profecuted with success? The confideration whereof, muft needs make highly for the honour of all governors in free-states, who have been, or shall be instru. mental in redeeming and setting any people in a fulness of freedom, that is, in a due and orderly succession of their fupreme affemblies.

(To be continued in our next Number:)

For the PHILANTHROPIST.

ON

BRIBERY and CORRUPTION.

(Concluded from our last.) HE carried it so far, that just before the decisive victory at Cuceronea, the very priestess of Apollo at Delphi was strongly suspected to have been tampered with by that prince: for the confederate army, who were then going to engage, for the common liberties of Greece, could get no manner of encouragement from her; so that Demosthenes, who well knew the avarice of priests and their juggling tricks, might easily guess that Philip had secured the oracle. At another time, a grave looking Demogogue of Athens, who had long bawld at the exorbitant power of the king of Macedon, was at length pre

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