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tive to prevent every step that may be inconfiftent with that respect which they mutually owe to one another. The examples of their differences with each other are very rare, and for the most part mere misunderstandings. Nay, in order to prevent all fubjects of altercation the cuftom is, that when one of the two Houfes refufes to confent to a bill presented by the other, no formal declaration is made of fuch refufal; and the House whose bill is rejected learns its fate only from their hearing no more of it, or by what the Members may be told as private perfons.

In each Houfe, the Members take care, even in the heat of debate, never to go beyond certain bounds in their manner of fpeaking of each other; and if they offend in that refpect, they incur the cenfure of the Houfe. As reafon has taught mankind to refrain, in their wars, from all injuries that have no tendency to promote the object of their contentions, so a fimilar kind of law has been introduced among the Members of Parliament, and influences their debates; they have difcovered that they may very well be of oppofite parties, and yet not perfecute one another. Coming fresh from debates carried on even with confiderable warmth, they meet without reluctance in the ordinary intercourse of life; and, fufpending all hoftilities, hold every place out of Parliament to be neutral ground.

With regard to the generality of the people, as they never are called upon to come to a final decifion with respect to any public meatures, or exprefsly to concur in fupporting them, they preferve themselves fill more free from party spirit than their Reprefentatives themselves fometimes are. Confidering the affairs of Government as only matter of fpeculation, they never have occafion to engage in any vehement contents among themfelves on that account. Much leis do they allow themfelves to take an active and violent part in the difference of particular factions, or the quarrels of private individuals. And those family feuds, thofe party animofities, thofe victories and confequent outrages of alternately fuccesful factions, in fhort, all thofe inconveniencies which in fo many other States have conftantly been the attendants of Liberty, and which Authors tell us we mult fubmit to as the price of it, are things to ally unknown in England.

But are not the English perpetually making complaints against the Adminiftration, and do they not speak and write as

if they were continually exposed to grie vances of every kind?

Undoubtedly, in a fociety of beings fubjects to error, diffatisfactions, from one quarter or another, will neceffarily arife; and in a free fociety they will be openly manifefted by complaints. Befides, as every man in England is permitted to give his opinion upon all fubjects, and as to watch over the Adminiftration, and to complain of grievances, is the proper duty of the Reprefentatives of the people, complaints must neceffarily be heard in fuch a Government, and even more frequently, and upon more fubjects, than in any other.

But thofe complaints, it should be remembered, are not, in England, the cries of oppreffion forced at lalt to break its filence. They do not fuppofe hearts deeply wounded. Nay, I will go farther, they do not even suppose very determinate sentiments; and they are often nothing more than the first vent which men give to their new and unfettled conceptions.

The agitation of men's minds is not therefore in England what it would be in other States; it is not the fymptom of a profound and general discontent, and the forerunner of violent commotions. Forefeen, regulated, even hoped for by the Conftitution, it animates all parts of the State, and is to be confidered only as the beneficial viciffitude of the feafons. The power which governs, being dependent on the nation, but poffeffing at the fame time the general affection of the people, is often thwarted, but never endangered. Like a vigorous tree which stretches its branches far and wide, the flighteft breath puts it in motion; but it acquires and exerts at every inftant a new degree of force, and refifts the winds, both by the ftrength and elafticity of its fibres, and the depth of its roots. In a word, whatever revolutions may at times happen among the perfons who conduct the public affairs in England, they never occafion the shortest ceffation of the power of the laws, nor the fmalleft diminution of the fecurity of individuals. A man who fhould have incurred the enmity of the most powerful men in the State, though he had drawn upon himself the united deteftation of all parties he might, under the protection of the laws, and by keeping within the bounds prescribed by them, continue to fet both his enemies and the whole nation at defiance.

The limits prefcribed to this effay do not allow us to enter into any farther particulars

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on the subject we are treating here; but if we were to make an inquiry into the influence which the English Government has on the manners and cuftoms of the people of England, perhaps we fhould find that, inftead of infpiring them with any difpofition to disorder or anarchy, it produces on them a quite contrary effect. As they fee the highest powers in the State conftantly fubmit to the laws, and they receive, themfelves, fuch a certain protection from these laws whenever they appeal to them, it is impoffible but they must infenfibly contract a deep-rooted attachment and refpect for them, which can at no time ceafe to have fome influence on their actions. And, in fact, we fee that even the lower clafs of the people, in England, notwithstanding the apparent exceffes into which they are fometimes hurried, poffefs a spirit of juftice and order, fuperior to what is to be observed in the fame rank of men in other countries. The extraordinary indulgence which is fhewn to accufed perfons of every degree, is not attended with any of those pernicious confequences which we might at first be apt to fear from it. And it is perhaps to the nature of the English Government itself (however remote the caufe may feem) and to the fpirit of justice it continually and infenfibly diffufes throughout all orders of the people, that we are to attribute the fingular advantage poffeffed by the English nation of employing an incomparably milder mode of adminiftering juftice in criminal matters, than any other nation, and at the fame time of affording perhaps fewer inftances of violence or crueity.

Another confequence which we might, obferve here, as flowing alfo from the principles of the English Government, is the moderate behaviour of all thofe who are invested with any branch of public authority. And if we look at the conduct of all public Officers in England, from the Minister of state, or the Judge, down to the lowest Officers of juftice, we find a fpirit of forbearance and lenity prevailing among all perfons in power, which cannot but create the greatest surprise in thofe who have vifited other countries.

One circumstance more I fhall obferve here, as peculiar to England, which is the conftant attention of the Legiflature in providing for the interests and welfare of the

people, and the indulgences fhewn by them to their very prejudices. Advantages thefe, which are no doubt the confequence of the general fpirit which animates the whole English Government, but are alfo particularly owing to that circumitance peculiar to it, of having lodged the active part of Legiflation in the hands of the Reprefentatives of the nation, and committed the care of alleviating the grievances of the people to perfons who either feel them, or fee them nearly, and whofe fureft path to advancement and glory is to be active in finding remedies for them.

Not that I mean, however, that no abuses take place in the English Government, and that ail poffible good laws are made in it, but that there is a conftant tendency in it both to correct the one, and improve the other. And that all the laws that are in being, are certainly executed, whenever appealed to, is what I look upon as the cha racteristic and undisputed advantage of the English Constitution. A Conftituton the more likely to produce all the effects we have mentioned, and to procure in general the happiness of the people, in that it has taken mankind as they are, and not endeavoured to prevent every thing, but to regulate every thing Hence it is that the politicians of antiquity, fenfible of the inconveniencies of the Governments they had opportunities of knowing, wished for the establishment of fuch a Government, without much hopes of ever seeing it effected: Tacitus, the beft ju ige of them all, confidered it as a project intirely chimerical Nor was it because he had not thought of it, had not reflected on it, that he was of this opinion. He had fought for fuch a Government, had had a glimpse of it, and yet continued to pronounce it impracticable.

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Let us not therefore afcribe to the confined views of man, to his imperfect sagacity, the difcovery of this important fecret. The world might have grown old, generations might have fucceeded generations, ftill feeking it in vain. It has been by a fortunate conjunction of circumitances, by the affiftance of a favourable fituation, that Liberty has at last been able to erect herself a Temple.

Invoked by every nation, but of too delicate a nature, as it should feem, to fubfift in focieties formed of fuch imperfect

Many interior abufes, of ancient date, remain for regulation, of which a foreigner cannot form a competent idea: the confequences of attempting fuch regulations are alluded to, in the emblematical Frontispiece to this Volume; which refers to the principal objects of parliamentary difcuffion in the early part of the present year. A 2

beings

beings as mankind, she shewed, and but just thewed, herself, to the ingenious nations of antiquity that inhabited the south of Europe. They were constantly miftaken in the form of the worthip they paid to her. As they continually aimed at extending dominion and conqu ft over other nations, they were no lefs miltaken in the fpirit of that worship; and, though they continued for ages to pay their devotions to her, the ftill continued, with regard to them, to be the unknown goddess

Excluded, fince that time, from thofe places to which he had feemed to give a preference, driven to the extremity of the western world, banished even out of the continent, the has taken refuge in the At Jantic Ocean. It is there, that freed from the danger of external disturbance, and affifted by a happy pre-arrangement of things, the has been able fully to difplay the form that fuited her; and the has found fix centuries to have been neceffary to the completion of her work. Being fheltered, as it were, within a citadel, the there reigns over a nation which is the better entitled to her favours as it endeav

ours to extend her Empire, and carries with it, to every part of its dominions, the bleffings of industry and equality. Fenced in on every side, with a wide and deep ditch, the fea, guarded with strong outworks, its hips of war, and defended by the courage of its feamen, it preferves that important fecret, that facred fire, which is fo difficult to be kindled, and which, if it were once extinguished, would perhaps never be lighted again. When the world hall have again been laid wafte by conquerors, it will still continue to fhew mankind, not only the principle that ought to unite them, but, what is of no less importance, the form under which they ought to be united. And the philosopher, when he reflects on what is conftantly the fate of civil focieties amongst men, and ob ferves with concern the numerous and powerful caufes which feem, as it were, unavoidably to conduct them all to a state of incurable political Aavery, takes com fort in feeing that Liberty has at lalt difclofed her fecret to mankind, and fecured an asylum to herself.

Biographical Anecdotes of Mr. JAMES RALPH, the political Writer; From Davies's Life of Garrick.

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Ralph had rather a liking, or violent in clination, to be an author of plays than abilities to compofe them. His first attempt in dramatic poetry was the Fall of Effex, altered from the Unhappy Favourite of Banks; but fo low was his credit as a writer, that he was obliged to apply to the manager of Goodman's-fields to get his play acted. The company was then compofed of raw unfledged players; and we may reafonably conjecture, that the acting of Effex did not raise much profit to the alterer. I have teen a pamphlet upon the public Buildings of London, printed about the year 1731, which was attributed to Mr. Ralph. His itch for poetry and plays, about this time, was till upon him, and continued till he was fully engrolled by politics. About the year 1735, he commenced a managing pai ner with Mr. Fielding in the Hay-market

theatre. Ralph's Aftrologer was very often rehearted there, but never acted. The players in general were difgulted with the obfolete ftyle of the play, and the almoft forgotten fcheme of hunting for the philofopher's ftone in order to cheat bubbles of their money. The play was old, nor hd Ralph capacity to adapt it to the prefent times. The great fuccefs of Fielding's Pafquin put an end to all thoughts of the Aftrologer for that time; and poor Ralph had no other share in the management than viewing and repining at his partner's fuccefs. However, he efpoufed a play of Mrs Cooper (author of the Rival Widows) called The Nobleman, a comedy which, I believe, was acted at the Ha ket in May 1736, and condemned the first night; at least, it was never afterwards relumed, to the great mortification of Mr. Ralph and the Lady, who had formed great expectations of its fuccets. This play was never printed. Though Mr Ralph continued a poacher in dramatic poetry, and was a great reader of old plays, as if he thought he could steal the art of writing from them; yet I do not recollect that he wrote any thing more than a forgotten farce for the stage. He

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now became a constant attender on the levees of great men, and at last found out what were his real talents in writing; he luckily applied himself to politics. The Duchefs of Marlborough, about the year 1742, having publifhed Memoirs of her Life, Mr. Ralph was employed to write an answer to it, which he called The other Side of the Queftion. This was written, with so much art, and made so interesting, by the author's management, that it fold very well.

ment, not more than a fum of twenty-one pounds was the receipt of the treafury on the first night of acting it. Still more to mortify his vanity, when the manager very good-naturedly gave him a chance of a third night, by advertising the play a fecond time, he was obliged to fhut up his doors for want of an audience. This intimation the author himfelf gives us, full of indig nation, and in the high spirit of refentment for the want of tafte in the public to relifh the Aftrologer. In the fame place Í fhall not pursue this writer through all he informs us, that, notwithstanding this the pamphlets he wrote, and all the perio- neglect, the writer was not unknown to dical papers of politics he was engaged in; the great, nor deftitute of private friends; but must not forget this circumstance, that and to return contempt for contempt, in he grew fo formidable towards the latter the title-page of the Astrologer, he called end of Walpole's adminiftration, that it it a Comedy, as it was once acted at the was thought proper to buy him off with an theatre royal in Drury-lane; and, I dare income. His moft famous work was A fay, he thought himself quits with the pubContinuation of Guthrie's Hiftory of Eng-lic by this affectation of indifference. land, which has been highly applauded by politicians of a certain catt; by some too, who, I firmly believe, were too indolent to read the book whofe praises they circulated; by Lord Melcombe, and his family phyfician, Dr. Thompfon, who were very affiduous in beftowing high eulogiums upon it. I believe this book recommended him to the notice of Lord Bolingbroke. He was frequently with Lord Melcombe; but it is faid, that a filly mistake of a domeftic had very near caufed a rupture between them. My Lord gave orders to his fervant to go to the hiftorian, who lived not far from his Lordship, at Ifleworth, and take a card with him for a dinner invitation to Mr. Ralph and his wife; the fellow miltook the word card for cart, and fet out with full speed to bring them to his Lord's houfe. This fuppofed indignity offended the pride of Ralph, who, with great gravity, fent back the meffenger and his carriage, with a long expoftulatory letter.

Lord Melcombe, I think, introduced Ralph to Mr. Garrick. The dramatic fit returned, and he prevailed upon Mr. Garrick, in 1744, who was then acting manager of Drury-lane theatre, to introduce his play of the Aftrologer, altered from Albumazar, (and which he had in vain, as I have already faid, endeavoured to get acted in the Little Theatre in the Haymarket) to Mr. Fleetwood the patentee. The play was accepted, rehearsed carefully, and acted. Mr. Garrick wrote the prologue and epilogue; the first he spoke himself, and the latter was given to Mrs. Woffington. But fo little expectation had the public entertained of this old comedy, that, as we learn from Ralph's advertise

Though Mr. Ralph was in the full career of his political progrefs, careffed by the great, and employed by the booksellers, yet the dramatic turn had not left him; he was continually teazing Mr. Garrick to encourage him in his erior. In vain did the manager endeavour to open his eyes, and to convince him of his inability to profper in the mimic world. The acting of Album zar, the original from whence his beloved Aftrologer was taken, gave him uneafinefs, we may fuppofe, which nothing could remove but the ill fuccefs of that play, And, indeed, we may venture to prefage, that fuch will be the fate of these old dramatic pieces, all of which, or, at least, most of them, bear fuch marks of ancient and forgotten inanners and cultoms, that they cannot, without being entirely refitted, please the prefent generation. I would be understood always to except the works of Shakespeare, which being founded in that nature which will be eternally the fame, and not dependent upon variable fashion, and local custom, will please as long as our language fhall last.

But, although Mr. Garrick could not fucceed in giving Mr. Ralph a juft idea of his difqualification for writing plays, he had fo much friendship for him, that he prevailed upon the Minifter, Mr. Pelham, to fettle a penfion upon him of 200l. per annum; and I remember to have heard Mr. Garrick tell the manner of Mr. Pel-ham's behaviour to him on the occafion. He affured Mr. Garrick, that he ever made it a rule not to be afraid of any political or fatirical writer whatfoever; nor did he ever chule to buy any of them off by pen

fion or pecuniary reward. He faid, indeed, that his brother the Duke of Newcastle was more tender than himself on that head, and had occafional y fhewn more timidity than the matter deferved. However, he continued, as Mr. Ralph is your friend, Mr. Gariick, I fhall, with pleasure, and to oblige you, grant him a pention.'

This was an obligation which, we fhould imagine, would have had powerful effect on the mind of Mr. Ralph, and have tied him for ever, by the motives of gratitude, to Mr. Garrick; but it fell out quite otherwife; a certain unaccountable coldness fucceeded to an apparent warmth of friendship between thofe Gentlemen. The caufe of Mr. Ralph's difguit I could never learn; but have always attributed it to the manager's refuling some comedy or farce, which he had imprudently preffed upon him.

Mr. Garrick's caufe of refentment may be feen in Ralph's Cafe of Authors by Profeffion, pubiihed in the year 1758; in which the author, in a fit of fpleen, owing to his imagined confequence in the learned world, and his deep refentment for the negJect of his fervices, gives a long history of authors, chiefly political, and their importance to the public; with a minute account of the rewards of fome and the miffortunes of others. But this narrative is preceded by a view of the itage, in which he directly attacks the avarice and tyranny of the managers, who, content to live upon the old flock of genius provided to their hands by Shakespeare, Dryden, Otway, Congreve, &c. give no encouragement to new compofitions. The manager,' fays he, whether player or harlequin, mult be the fole pivot on which the whole machine is both to move and reft; there is no diaw-back on the profit of the night in old plays; and any accefs of reputation to a dead author carries no impertinent claims and invidious diftinctions along with it.'

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That the caufe of his quarrel with Mr. Garrick was theatrical difappointment, the following quotation, I think, will tend, at least, to prove I am as much an admirer of Mr. Gatrick, and his excellences, as I ought to be; and I envy him no part of his good fortune. But then, though I am free to acknowledge he was made for the ftage, I cannot be brought to think the ftage was made only for him, or that the fate of every dramatic writer ought either to be at his mercy, or that of any other manager whatsoever; and the fingle confideration that there is no alter

native but to fly from him, in case of any neglect or contempt, to Mr Rich, is enough to deter any man in his fenfes from embarking a fecond time on such a hopeless voyage.'

After finihing what he had to fay concerning the fates and fortunes of authors, he once more returned to the subject which was nea:eft his heart.

When the playhouse is named, I make it a rule to pull off my hat, and think myfelf obliged to the lowest implement belonging to it. He then glances at Woodward, whom he affects to confider as nothing but a mere harlequin, and whose fuccefs offended his pride. I am ready to make my best acknowledgement to a harlequin, who has continence enough to look upon an author in the green room, of what confideration foever, without laughing at him'

In the following paragraph, he seems to have collected all his ftrength to give Mr. Garrick a deadly blow, at leaft such as he was fure would wound him deeply:

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Inttead, therefore, of talking of the prefent dignified state of the stage, I think we ought to talk of its thriving itate have now one or two great performers, and time was when we had a conftellation of fuch, when the majesty as well as energy of tragedy, the grace as well as glee of comedy, were dilplayed at full; and yet at that time the nightly charge of the houte did not exceed 451, whereas it is now faid to be eighty.'

The age, indeed, in this author's opinion, was become fo infenfible, and so dead to the merit of authors, especially men fo enlightened and accomplished as himself, that in a fi of defpondence he reigns all hopes of reforming a generation fo untoward : I am neither an Amphion or an Orpheus; nor are the ftocks, ftones, and brutes to be humanized by any fpecies of incantation in my power to practife upon them. I throw my bread upon the waters, without any hopes of finding it after many days.'

Here, I must beg leave to suppose, that the author either forgot himself, or was, in the hurry of refentment, led to say what he did not believe. Hopes he certainly had, and those not ill-founded; he was then patronized by a noble Lord, whole intereft afterwards gained him a very large appointment. And to give Ralph his due, he laboured very affiduously to merit the patronage he obtained. reader thall judge of his political principles from the following fhort paragraph.

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Since therefore men think by halves,

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