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Recent attempts to avoid the cyclic dactyl have been made by dividing the choriambus (-ulu_); but the remedy is worse than the disease. The fundamental error in the time is retained, and the scansion is made more mechanical than before. A simpler method would have been the use of a true dactyl in 3/8 time (w or d....). There is no harmony, however, between a 3/8 (quick waltz) rhythm and logaoedics. See the paper on Time Relations above, p. xxxiii f.
While the 4/4 analyses will not scan, they differ but slightly from renderings already in use. The best way to follow them is to keep the prose accents of the words and observe the sense of the lines; in other words, to read naturally, as in English. The stress ictus should be abandoned. The use of stressed tones fol. lowing the division lines of the bars in music, does not appear to have antedated the sixteenth century A.D. It did not become the fixed practice till the eighteenth. To attempt to carry it back to classical times; in the light of these facts, is futile.
Finally, it should be noted that the dipodies of the drama, in both Latin and Greek, are to be explained by a 4/4 structure, which admitted logaoedic lines wherever necessary.
Adjourned at 4.45 P.M.
The next meeting of the Association will be held in conjunction with the Archaeological Institute of America in December, 1906, at the George Washington University, Washington, D.C.
PHILOLOGICAL ASSOCIATION OF THE PACIFIC COAST.
The Seventh Annual Meeting was held at the Mark Hopkins Institute of Art in San Francisco on December 27, 28, and 29, 1906.
The meeting was called to order on Wednesday at 2 P.M., by the first Vice-President, Professor E. B. Clapp, in the absence of President J. Goebel.
Professor Leon J. Richardson then presented his report as Treasurer for the year 1904-1905 :
Sent to Professor Moore, July 5, 1905 ·
$169.13 Stamps, stationery .
21.25 Clerk hire
3.00 Loose leaf ledger
$214.73 Balance on hand, Dec. 27, 1905
$223.43 The Chair appointed the following committees : Nomination of Officers: Professors Matzke, Senger, and Murray. To Audit Accounts : Professors Merrill and Price.
Time and Place of Next Meeting : Professors Nutting, Johnston, and Noyes.
The reading and discussion of papers was then begun.
1. Notes on the Pseudo-Vergilian Ciris, by Dr. I. M. Linforth, of the University of California.
This paper is to be published in full in the American Journal of Philology.
2. A Neglected Factor in the Question of the Mise en Scène of the French Classic Tragedies of the Sixteenth Century, by Professor C. Searles, of the Leland Stanford Jr. University.
Were the tragedies of the sixteenth century intended by their authors to be staged, or merely read after the fashion of the tragedies attributed to Seneca, is an old question lately revived by MM. Lanson and Rigal in the Revue d'Histoire Littéraire, 1903 and 1904.
Lanson was able to add materially to the list of representations of classic tragedies known to have been given during the sixteenth century and concludes that we are scarcely justified in believing that these plays were written merely to be read (Rev. d'Hist. Litt. 1903, p. 191). Thereupon Rigal examines these plays again to discover how many were really stageable with the resources which the sixteenth century dramatists had at their command. He believes that the poets could have had no real conception of the mise en scène of their tragedies (ib. 1904, p. 226).
In view of the very intimate literary relations between France and Italy we should naturally look in that direction for some light on this question, and we actually find there a system of mise en scène which answers many of Rigal's objections. D'Ancona (Origini del Teatro Italiano, vol. II) shows that the stage setting of the plays given so frequently at the chief Italian courts throughout the whole of the sixteenth century was a combination of the simple stage of the popular Latin Comedy and elaborate decorations and machinery of the Sacre Rappresentazioni; i.l., a street serving as the undefined place of the later classic French tragedy, with tombs, caves, and houses (sometimes to the number of five or six) in the background, from which the actors emerge or into which they enter, thus serving to localize the action when necessary. This custom of the Italians must have been entirely familiar to the French poets. It meets many of the objections of Rigal, and by accepting the convention of the action not in compartments or houses but before the same, the management of the chorus, the most disturbing factor of all, becomes at least feasible.
It is not claimed that many of these tragedies were thus presented, — although the expression of Saint-Marthe regarding the presentation of Cléopatre at the court is suggestive, — but it is believed in view of the great numbers of Italian artists, scholars, and actors as well as the Italian queen present at court, we are quite justified in believing that these poets with the possible exception of Garnier did have a fairly definite mise en scène in their mind an ideal at least, though one probably but seldom realized.
Discussion by Professors Murray, Prescott, and Matzke.
3. Some Phases of the Relation of Thought to Verse in Plautus, by Professor H. W. Prescott, of the University of California.
The paper was an effort to discover (1) the extent to which Plautus allows himself the separation, by the verse, of the attributive adjective from its substantive; (2) the causes, if there were any, of such separation; (3) the relation of
- 1 * tiche di sé et Latinity of the inscription touching upon
un sun E, D tbe masculine gender, as shown by iunctus 4., EIIL BRITI 19, in magister ; the writer of the second hand, haysunt *** ***** beginning of the inscription, used the customary
**», mis ad Marte (1 10; cf. apud lovem Statorem, Orelli, 2155); 250 WA BID'A piatt.
la cairn the inbription from its palaeography, only such inscriptions were word as came from the same geographical division of Italy, viz. Latium. They are found in Ilübner's Exempla Scripturae Epigraphicae, Nos. 303, 477, 1021, 527, 471, and 526, the dates of which are respectively 172, 181, 192, 193, 198, and 20 A.D), Inasmuch as the later inscriptions are more like the Calpurnius Chius inscriptions, we are led to believe that the inscription was set up about
Since there were several colleges of Silvanus at Ostia, some defining te vere necessary. In the first place, maius serves to distinguish this aage shoes smaller contemporaries ; secondly, quod est Hilarionis, 'thai is Hins woul, Hilario probably being a public-spirited freedman of wiki wa na bring chosen servir Augustalis, showed his gratitude, as was costamet, ILUS bencfaction. In this case a shrine or temple to Silvanus AUSTIN V8 ro to which his name was attached ; see Orelli, 2414 and 43 hs en Bupported by an inscription (Wilmanns, 1742) which was sa IT II. or if 1. Hlavius Hilarios, who in the 17th lust: um was magisk** TE: IRL."
fabrum (carpenters). The worship of Silvanus was held especially sacred by the carpenters, Silvanus being sometimes called dendrophorus, 'the carpenter.' In the Calpurnius Chius inscription we see that Hilario was very closely associated with the worship of Silvanus. In this respect the inscriptions support each other, and lead to the belief that they both refer to the same Hilario.
Furthermore, the date of the Flavius Hilario inscription corroborates this hypothesis. These lustra belonged to the new series of lustra instituted by Domitian in 86 A.D, and occurred at intervals of four years (see Suet. Dom. 4; Censorinus, 18; Statius, S. iv, 2, 60 ff.; and Pliny, N.H. ii, 47). Accordingly Flavius Hilario held office from 146 to 178 A.D. and had not passed away when the inscription was set up by his wife and daughter. It is reasonable to suppose that he lived to the close of the second century A.D., which confirms the belief that the Calpurnius Chius inscription referring to Hilario was erected at that time.
The third defining clause is iunctus sacomari (for sarcomario), ‘hard by the public scales,' misread and so misunderstood by both Mommsen and Dessau, who read functus (C.I.L. XIV, 309 and XIV, 51). For this use of iunctus, cf. Wilmanns, 1724; and for like expressions see Orelli, 2389 and 2417. For the use of collegius as masculine see Orelli, 2413, 4101,4123,4978, and 7186. To the paper a genealogical table was added.
Discussion by Professor Richardson.
The meeting was called to order on Thursday, December 28, at 9.30 A.M.
The reading of papers was continued.
6. Old Problems in Horace (continued), by Professor J. E. Church, Jr., of the Nevada State University.
On Horace, Carmina, i, 3, 1-8.
In his interpretation this passage, PAPA. XXXIV (1903), xxii, in which he suggests the insertion of ut after Vergilium, the late Professor Earle raises two objections to the generally accepted theory that this passage is a benediction and a prayer upon which the former is conditioned, on the ground that if this interpretation be the correct one, there is no reason why the first stanza should have been the first and the second the second, — "indeed, it would be a great improvement if the two stanzas were to change places,” - nor is it to be supposed that Horace wrote arrant nonsense here.
We should raise no question against the first objection if these stanzas were the product of the English mind and language. But several examples of Roman benedictions followed by prayers strikingly similar in arrangement and language to the above stanzas cast much doubt upon the tenability of the position taken. These examples, moreover, occur in formal inscriptions as well as in literature. Such are Bücheler, Carm. Lat. Epigr.: 197 Ita levis incumbat terra defuncto tibi ...
rogo ne sepulcri umbras violare audeas;