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expectation of this amnesty. On the contrary, the last that we have heard the proceedings of that Prince (De Miguel), was his seizure of the wives and children of those adherents of Donna Maria who were not accompanied in ex by their families. Before I conclude, should wish, with your Lordships' indul

for the

sits near me; and although, under all circumstances, I cannot give my sanction to the Address, I conceive that I fulfil my duty in offering it no opposition.

Address, he will find France soon fallingoff from the negotiation, and his measure leading to the result which it is his wish to avoid. My Lords, it was also with regret that I heard the allusion made to the recognition of Don Miguel. I do not wish to speak here of the private character of that Prince, but I do not think the proposed recognition of his authority in Por-gence, to recapitulate by stating, that in tugal consistent with a Statesman-like view respect to what has happened in France, of our relations with that country. Our rejoice in the successful resistance of the original situation, certainly, with respect people to the unjustifiable measures of the to Don Miguel, was by no means the same family which they have expelled; I trust, as at present. We have lately recognised into whatever negotiations his Majesty's a new government in France, and as there Government resolve to may engage seems to be in the other country (Portugal) new settlement of Belgium, that the prin also a government, existing now for some ciple of non-interference will be strictly time, with the apparent concurrence of the adhered to. I regret the distress-the people, I am not prepared to say when it existence of which in this country cannot may be proper to recognise it. But in the be denied, and I am satisfied that this passage of the Speech from the Throne, House is disposed to consider the best alluding to such recognition, there is somemeans of relieving it. With respect to thing which I do not understand. The Ireland, I concur altogether in the senti recognition is made to depend on the pass-ments expressed by the noble Duke who ing of an amnesty. I understood the noble Duke at the head of his Majesty's Government to have said, on a former occasion, when he wished to justify a measure which was complained of in this House, that The Duke of Wellington said, he was "non-interference was the principle, and in hopes, judging from the first part of the intervention the exception.' Now, I will noble Earl's Speech, that he should only ask him, how he can reconcile that princi- have had to congratulate their Lordships ple of non-interference with making this on the sentiments which the noble Earl amnesty the condition of the proposed had delivered in commenting on his Marecognition of Don Miguel? If he do so, jesty's speech, and what had fallen from is he prepared to enforce the fulfilment of the noble Lord and the noble Duke. The that condition? For my part, my Lords, sentiments of the noble Earl did him the I should certainly rejoice to see the Mar- highest honour, and became the rank quis of Palmella and his virtuous fellow-which he ought to hold in the country as a sufferers restored to their country and to statesman. They did equal honour to his their estates; but, I must ask the noble heart and head, and he (the Duke of WelDuke, if this amnesty be made the con- lington) congratulated the House on their dition on which we recognise Don Miguel expression, at the same time that he was -and if, on the faith of that condition, sorry he could not agree with what had the noble Duke's companions in arms, fallen from the noble Earl upon all the who are now engaged in attempting to points he had touched upon. The noble establish the liberty of Spain, should Earl ended his speech with some observareturn to their own country, would this tions relative to Portugal, and he would promise of Don Miguel be faithfully ob- commence by answering them. He begged served? If faith be not kept with the re- the House to recollect how frequently his turned exiles-if Palmella and the others late Majesty had stated to Parliament the be seized on their return, what then will inconvenience felt in this country, in confollow? Are we bound to maintain the sequence of the interruption of our diploamnesty, to the promise of which we are matic relations with Portugal; how fre made a party? Are we bound to go to quently his late Majesty had stated his war for the purpose of enforcing it? Such wish to re-establish those relations; how interference is opposed to all the principles anxiously he sought to reconcile the two on which nations have ever acted. As branches of the House of Braganza; and yet we have seen nothing to encourage the how frequently, as he repeatedly told the

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House, he had negociated on the subject. | already made, as would conduce to the Having failed in his negotiations to bring welfare and best interests of that counabout the desired union, his Majesty try, and the lasting peace and tranquillity adopted other measures, with a view to of Europe. The noble Earl had thought remove the difficulties of the case, and proper to find fault with the expressions benefit his subjects; and the Royal Speech used in the Speech with reference to the informed the House, that there were now government of the king of the Netherhopes of effecting these objects at an early lands; and the noble Earl observed, that opportunity. As long as there existed a his Majesty's Ministers had not mentioned government in Portugal, keeping a large one single subject of complaint made by portion of the talent and property of the the people of the Netherlands to their kingdom in a state of exile, his Majesty sovereign, though those complaints had could not recognize a government so cir- appeared in a pamphlet which was pubcumstanced, without endangering our lished some years ago, and had become safety and honour. An amnesty, there- matters of history, and were well known fore, which would permit the return of the to the king. But though this were the exiled party, and guarantee their security, case, was his Majesty, the ally, the close had been long recommended, and the go- ally of the king of the Netherlands,-in vernment of Portugal at length intending speaking of the government of that soveto carry it into effect, his Majesty con- reign, to mention what had occurred ceived the great difficulty to be removed, among his subjects as anything but a reand had expressed his intention to recog-volt against his authority? How could nize that government. The noble Earl said, "Shall we be bound to go to war to carry into execution that amnesty?" That did not follow by any means, and the noble Earl would see, from the expressions used in his Majesty's Speech, and from the observations he had submitted to their Lordships, that we should not be bound to go to war in order to carry into effect any part of the engagement. We should be bound to interfere, in every possible way short of actual war, to prevent a violation of the amnesty. Such an interference was very different in its nature from the designs referred to by the noble Earl, and was perfectly justifiable. Although the noble Earl did not approve of the recognition of the Portuguese government, and of the renewal of our diplomatic relations with that country, he was glad to find that the noble Earl approved of the measures adopted by this Government with respect to France, and he begged to assure the House, in answer to what the noble Lord said, questioning whether or not it was our intention to proceed in the same spirit as we had begun, and carry into execution the arrangements with France with good faith, that these arrangements never would have been made if it was not intended to carry them faithfully into effect. When the Government of this country saw the new government of France established, his Majesty had not the slightest hesitation in acknowledging the new order of things, and he sincerely hoped that such arrangements would be made, in addition to those

his Majesty do otherwise than treat the convulsions which had taken place in the territory of his close and near ally, but as a revolt against his legal and established government? The noble Lord had no doubt read, in the daily publications, the full history of the transactions. They commenced, it was well known, in nothing but a riot. The troops were eventually overpowered by those who had revolted, under the pretence of putting down that riot, and for which purpose they had ostensibly armed themselves, though they eventually turned their arms against the royal authority. The complaints of the revolters against the king of the Netherlands were, in the first instance, absolutely nothing. Of what did they complain? The first object they found fault with was the union of the two countries, and the existence in the administration of the government of a person named Van Maanen, who, however, was actually out of office at the time when the complaints against him were made. The other complaints were of supposed or real grievances, of a partial nature, and the result of local regulations. In fact, it was very well known,-and he appealed to every noble Lord who heard him, whether he was not correct in saying it,-that no complaint whatever was made against the king of the Netherlands personally, or against his administration of the government, or (with one exception) against those to whom he had confided the functions of official duties, until the revolters had at

tained a certain degree of success, and upon his Majesty's Speech from the Throne. began to aim at what, in the first instance, The Belgians did, in point of fact, revolt, they had not contemplated. What, then, and that is what his Majesty said in his he again asked, was his Majesty the king Speech. He would add nothing further of England, in speaking of his ally, to upon this topic, but proceed to another enter into these complaints, or would it part of the noble Lord's speech, in which have been proper in him to have even he alluded to the treaties by which this alluded to the subject? He could not country was bound in her relations to the hesitate to say, that such a course would Netherlands. The first was the Treaty of in every respect have been unadvisable. Peace signed by the Allied Powers in the And he would ask, what did the king of year 1814, and by which the provinces, the Netherlands do upon his receiving commonly called Belgium, were conceded these complaints? Had he not pursued and agreed to be joined to the united the strict course pointed out to him by the provinces of Holland, with a view to form constitution of the country? and had he a sovereignty under the government of not subsequently acted in rigid conformity the king of the Netherlands. In conseto his relations with other Powers? Im- quence of this Treaty of 1814, arrange mediately the complaints were made ments were made for the government of known to him, the King had assembled the Netherlands, under the king of the States General: he had assembled Holland, by each of the four Powers which that body in which was constitutionally had made the Treaty with France. It was rested the right and power to remedy the well known to the noble Lord that this grievances complained of by a portion of arrangement was recorded in the treaty his subjects. He proposed as a question of the Eight Articles, and that this Treaty for their consideration, what were termed referred to the fundamental laws of the the greatest grievances,-namely, the government of the United Provinces, union between the two parts of the country: which were to be made applicable to the he laid before them the wish of one whole kingdom. There could be no doubt portion of his subjects to dissolve that whatever that the four contracting Powers union, as far as the administration of were bound by that Treaty in the present the government was concerned; and case. It made over to the King of the finally, he proposed to them the question Netherlands the whole of Belgium, who of revoking certain laws that were ob- received it according to the arrangements noxious to his subjects. Would his of that Treaty, by which all parties were to Majesty the king of England have done be strictly bound. Could it be contended common justice to his ally, the king of that any thing which had since occurred, the Netherlands,-did justice from one or that any thing in the present position friendly Sovereign to another require that of affairs, could alter the obligations or he should not assume that his conduct, destroy the powers of that Treaty? Subpreviously to the revolt, had been that of sequently to the arrangements of which he a wise and good sovereign, and that he had been speaking, the Treaty had been wished to adopt the most effectual measures made a matter of record, and a basis of to remedy the grievances complained of? negotiation in the acts of the Congress at What his Majesty the king of England had, Vienna, and in fact, the acts of the treaty said, was merely that he lamented that those of the Eight Articles was an appendix to measures had not produced satisfactory, the Treaty of Vienna, to which the King results. The noble Lord, after comment ing upon the Speech from the Throne, and upon what he conceived were the views of his Majesty's Government, had asked, was it possible that the Government of England could be a just and impartial mediator, when it had, in fact, pronounced a sentence against one of the parties? He would say, that even the parties themselves could not and would not deny the fact which he had just stated, nor would they dispute the co rectness of the interpretation which he put.

of France became a contracting party. The Treaty had, therefore, received every possible sanction and ratification, and France had become a party to all the arrangements under it which referred to the kingdom of the Netherlands. Notwithstanding this, it had been said, that the king of the Netherlands could dissolve this union between the two parts of his kingdom of himself, and without consulting those who made the Treaty, of desiring their consent to the dissolution. There could be no doubt whatever that the

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five Powers which had signed the Treaty | it broached a discussion which he had of Vienna, would claim their indisputable hoped might have been avoided till a right to give their opinion upon the future future period. The noble Lord upon the explanation of the articles. England cross-bench (Farnham) had been pleased could not attempt to pacify the parties to refer to a discussion of a former period, per alone. France could not singly make the and to connect it with the present state of attempt; nor could any other Power use Ireland, of which he seemed disposed to an effort to pacify or reconcile existing make an immediate question. The noble differences alone; the object must be Earl had given colour in some degree to Pattempted by all the parties in concert, the noble Lord's statements with respect to and that concert, whatever the arrange- the influence of this country upon the ments were, must include France. That state of affairs in Ireland. With respect there were difficulties in the way of effect- to the repeal of the Union, he would only ing a pacification he did not deny, but he observe, that that repeal was objected to in hoped to get the better of them. He could the strongest manner by the noble Duke assure the House that there was no in- opposite: it was objected to by all the tention whatever on the part of his noble Duke's friends in Ireland; it was Majesty's Ministers-that there was not objected to by all the landed proprietors the slightest intention on the part of any of Ireland, by a very great majority of Power whatever-to interfere by means of Roman Catholics, and by nearly all the arms with the arrangements respecting the Protestants of Ireland; and it was opNetherlands. The desire of his Majesty, posed by the unanimous voice of that and of every other party concerned, was to House, and equally by the unanimous voice settle, if possible, every point by means of of the other, with, perhaps, only one exnegotiation, and by negotiation alone. ception. That was the case at present, He hoped that the negotiations between but what would have been the case if the the different Powers would make arrange- great measure of emancipation, to which ments, as stated in the Speech, which the noble Lord had alluded, had not been would be compatible with the welfare of carried? The House well knew that a both parties in the kingdom of the vast majority of the people of every class Netherlands, and conducive to the general in Ireland had desired to see the Catholics safety of Europe. Before, however, he restored to all their civil rights. The finished with this subject, he must beg to House well knew that a great majority make one observation upon a very extra- of its Members, as well as a great ordinary assertion made by the noble Earl. majority of the other House, had been The noble Earl had said, that the Treaty of equally desirous of effecting that object: Peace of 1814 had not tended to secure, it well knew that the great majority of the which was its object, the general tran- young and growing intellect of the country quillity of Europe, but to lay the founda- had ardently wished for the measure, and tion of future wars. Unfortunately for the would any noble Lord now contend, that noble Lord's assertion, as far as experience the Government did not stand on firmer had as yet proved the effects of the and better ground, with respect to the Treaty, directly the reverse had been the Union, than if the Catholic Question had case. Since the Treaty of 1814, there had not been carried? He, therefore, really been the longest general peace, he believed, did not see the advantage of repeating ever known in Europe-a peace of six- against him the reproach of his having teen years, uninterrupted only by the given way upon that question from motives. return of Buonaparte from Elba in 1815. of fear. He denied that he had been inThis would show, that by common con- fluenced, even in the slightest degree, by ciliation and management, the country any such motive. He had given way, if would get over the present difficulties it could be termed given way, solely beas it had got over others; and the course necessary to pursue was, to make the general interests of the different Powers of Europe compatible with the good government and welfare of their people. He should now come to a part of the noble Earl's speech to which he confessed he adverted with considerable pain, because

cause the interests of the country required
it. He had urged the question upon views
of policy, and expediency, and of justice;
upon these grounds he now justified the
measure, and upon these grounds he ever
would defend his conduct. The noble
Lord must forgive him for saying that
much of the present state of Ireland must

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ance of the task. The accession of the Sovereign at a period so pregnant wit great events abroad and at home, presented matter for interesting reflection, an the personal character of that Sovereign together with the tenor of his Speech, might add, were of a nature to call ir congratulation. The settlement of a Re gency, as suggested by the Royal Speech was a delicate subject of discussion, but the terms of the recommendation suffe ently indicated the extent to which is Majesty's confidence was reposed in the

which he felt would be at that time both irregular and inconvenient, he would merely state, that the whole of his plan would be found to be one of conciliation, so as to combine all interests and all opinions in favour of a restoration of the Constitution to its state of original purity. He was desirous of obtaining the consent of all classes and of all interests, and of all opinions, and of all who were disposed to go even the shortest way with him in the course which he proposed, and to repulse none who might be willing to admit, that there were good reasons to believe the re-fidelity and judgment: it was for them to presentative system was in want of some reformation; for it was reform, not change, that he had in contemplation. He had only to add, without detaining the House any longer, that he intended to employ the interval, between that time and the day of his bringing forward his Motion, in communicating diligently with all those who held opinions of different degrees on the subject, in order that he might, as far as in him lay, secure the co-operation and support of all who were interested in the great questions which it embraced. One word, however, he thought it now necessary to add, with respect to the principle of his measure and that was, to repeat his declaration, that his object was not revolution but restoration-to restore the representation to that state in which it ought to be, not to change it from what it had been-to repair, not to pull down.

Sessional Orders adopted.

ADDRESS IN ANSWER TO THE KING's SPEECH. The Speaker informed the House that he had procured a copy of the King's Speech, to prevent mistakes; and he would read it, for the satisfaction of the House

On the Speech being read, for which see ante, p. 1315.)

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show that his confidence was not misplaced.. Of such a Monarch, he trusted it was not too much to say, that he was liberali his principles, kind in temper, and cond scending in disposition, that he rejoiced, not in the unsubstantial pageantry Throne, but in the happiness of his people; and that he ever considered how he should best maintain the essential spirit of the Constitution, which inculcated liberty to all, injury to none. It was impossible to view without regret the affairs of France, a country in alliance with ourselves, which, after having accomplished a revolution, accompanied by fewer evils than are usually attendant on such a crisis, still continued unsatisfied and discontented, to the deep injury of the commercial interests of this country in so far as they were con nected with those of our neighbour and ally. The Belgian States, it was to be lamented, exhibited even greater horrors than those of which France had been the theatre, having rebelled and levied war against their King, who was ready to make any concessions in their favour which they could reasonably demand. Nevertheless, although no amicable ter mination to these dissensions had hitherto been produced, he was not without hopes that they might yet be adjusted by the mediation of Great Britain, in conjunction with the other allied Powers of Europe. The adage, that the bitterest foes are those of our own household, was, however, but too deserving of universal acceptation. But amid these wars and rumours of wars, which daily reached our ears, it was some satis faction to reflect that we, at least, maintamed a good understanding with the world at large, notwithstanding the dis cord which raged on every side around us Through the storm which agitated society throughout Europe, and endangered tha

Lood Grimstone rose to move an Address to the Crown in answer to the Royal Speech. In rising to address such an Assembly, under the circumstances in which he was placed, he could only rely for indulgence on the kind feeling of the House, and on the courtesy of those Members in particular, who, having preceded him on similar occasions, knew the embarrassment incidental to so novel a situation. At the same time, he was aware that a cause like that confided to his hands ought not to suffer from the inadequacy of his talents for the perform-existing institutions of all the Statery opt

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