the men, whom we deem honeft, wife, and good, to manage our concerns, and of rejecting with difdain, fuch as manifeft a diftruft in their own merit, by feeking for fupport in the caprice or felf-intereft of an overbearing nobleman? These remarks are applic ble, and intended as fuch, to all great men who affume the direction of a capital intereft, and to all junction, formed with an intent to dictate and to over-rule the liberty of judging, as well as to the power of the lords in returnin, members to parliament. The injury to ficedom is the fame in both cafes, and fave as to the feparate interefts of the two houfes, and that it may be attended with danger to the commons to have a number of their members under the controul of another branch of the legiflature, they are both equally unconfiitutional. It may be urged in favour of junctions, that they are frequently entered into for the fake of preferving the peace of a County; but that peace is dearly purchased indeed, for which is furrendered the moft valuable prerogative of a free people; and in confequence of which, the appointment of truttees, for the community at large, is vefted in a smaller number of men, perhaps, than the conflituents of the meancft borough in this kingdom. In examining the qualifications of thofe, who prefent themselves as fuitors for our favour, it may be proper to comprehend in our view, the circumflances of fortune, of profeffion, and of character, as well private as public; they are all of confequence in affifting us to form a juft decifion, and a mittake committed with refpe&t to any of them, will be likely to marr our beft intentions. A largeeflate, and high founding rent roll, have been deemed the ftrongeft pledges for the faithful discharge of duty to the public; but experience, alas! that parent of conviction, has demonftrated, that men who poffefs the most extenfive property, are not a whit the farther removed from the indigence of a political dependent, and that artificial wants,erected by luxury and profusion, expofe their fubjects as inevitably to the dangers of corruption as that hard hearted tyrant poverty itself. When we regard fortune, therefore, as a furety for upright conduct, it must be shat clear,unincumbered landed property, which enables a man to ftand upon his own legs, without the neceffity of recurring to places and penfions, that, whilft they prop his tottering eftate, entangle and overthrow his political integrity. Notwithfanding the number of pro feffions into which the employment of mankind is divided, there are but two that, probably, will offer themfelves to our confideration on the present occafion, namely, thofe of the word and the law; the reafon of this, because they alone can hope for preferment, in their line of bulinef, by a feat in parliament, is, in my mind, nearly conclufive against the committing to them the care of our interefts, which can hardly fail to interfere, perhaps effentially, with their own; do not mean to animadvert, with the leaft degree of ill-will, upon the character of thofe profeffions; they are honourable, they are useful to fociety; nay, many of their followers poflefs the largeli share of private worth and public efteem; but it were unwife in a people to expofe that worth and efteem to the imminent peril of forfeiture, by hazarding them against the lucky throws of places. rank, and emolument: In fuch a game, we must be the lofers, or they mult dif play a magnanimity, I had almoft faid, never hitherto enjoyed by any of their brethren, who have so often flaked their fidelity to the public on the caft. I am well aware, that an indifcriminate exclufion of placemen, has been condemned as impolitic, as well as impracticable; and fo far I concur in this opinion, as to think it necellary, for the proper difpatch of public business, that fuch fervants of the crown, as are, by their employments, bound to prepare and digeft the laws relating to its revenue, ought to have feats in the house of commons, where thofe revenue laws originate. But whilft, in the fatal depravity of our political fyllem, the majority of thofe feats are venal, I believe it will be readily allowed, that, as a counterpoife to the dead weight of borough reprefentation, the real fervants of the people fhould be fervants to them alone, and that no perfon on earth fhould be permitted to interfere with and divide their duty to them. As to the perfonal reputation of candidates, the last but not the leaft object of our difcuffion, the confideration of that offers to our view two diftinct, tho' not independent branches of it, public and private character. With respect to the former, there are two rules of judging, which cannot fail to direct us in the fafe and laudable path of decifion; the firft is the discharge of the fame truth, if they have been heretofore our reprefentatives, and, as on the other hand, it would argue an extreme of blindness" and folly to confer that office on them again, fhould they already have abufed it, fo, on the other, muft we for ever accufe ourselves of the bafest ingratitude, if we reject the faithrul fleward, who has fought no other reward to his labours, than the approbation of his fellow citizens: by denying him which, we take from virtue one of the main fprings of her action, and fleal from the fcanty ftore of public spirit the nobleft in.entive to great and generous exertions. But fhould we be obliged, through the want or the defects of this rank of candidates, to caft our eyes on new men, who have not yet been tried, we are then bound to examine critically their public conduct, in the counties where they refide or have property; we fall, without difficulty, difcover whether they have difcharged the offices, which almoft every gentleman undertakes in his county, with diligence and impartiality; whether they have ruled their tenants with a gentle or an overbearing hand, and, what is yet of much rore confequence towards inveftigating their real principles, whether they have lent their affifiance to impofe that enormous load of grand jury taxes, under which the country groans at prefent, and by which the favourites of great men are fhamefully gratified, at the ruinous expence of the induftrious farmer. If this fhould be the conduct of any who pay their addreffes to the people, even the most refpectable for dignity and power, let us treat his pretentions with fcorn and deteflation; for we may rest affured, that the transition from impofing county to the laying on national burdens, will be eafy and natural to fuch a man, and that he, who in his rage of jobbing has not spared even the tenanty of his own eftate, who must pay their proportions of thofe exorbitant charges, can never be fuppofed to act, towards the public at large, with more tenderness and compunction. It remains now, in the laft place, to have fome regard to private life, which, no doubt, ought to be taken into our ferious thoughts upon this fubject; and one fhort remark will perhaps lead us to form a right judgment on this head more intelligently, than the molt copious ef fay; it is this,-That public virtue and domeftic vice are utter enemies, and never yet, in reality and truth, dwelt together in the fame perfon. well-known maxim, that the voice of the people is the voice of God, about which there has been fo much diverfity of opinion in the world of poli tics, is certainly founded in reafon and experience; but it is only their liberal, pure and unbiaffed fentiment, which can, with any degree of propriety, be faid to convey that irrefiftible leffon of truth. If we fuller our paffions to warp, or our little feparate interefts to mislead us, in forming and declaring that fentiment, we forfeit all claim to the refpect, which, otherwife, it must undoubtedly command; and of how much effential confequence it is, at this juncture, to preferve the dignity of this nation entire and invio.. late, let every man, who cherishes within his breait a fingle fpark of filial duty to his native country, determine. Gratitude is every-where acknowledged, as no doubt it is, the firft of focial virtues; but fhould we, in the performance of that obligation, which all of us, in our private connections, feem proud of difcharging, forget the fuperior claim of our common parent to returns of affection and fupport? Self-intereft, avowed in these times, without a blush, to be the ruling principle of almost every action, may folicit our partiality in a thoufand different fhapes, to the indulgence of particular views and favourite regards: But is it not at the leait prudent to confider, before we b ftow our whole attention upon thefe deluding objects, whether we have not a greater, a more fubftantial, and a more permanent benefit at flake, than any little favours to be purchafed by the fervice of electioneering obfequiousness? Promifes, the ties of honour that are wont to bind more firmly than the strongeft bonds of law itself, we are taught to regard as indiffoluble, whilft too many of thofe who advance this do trine with confidence, difplay a practical diftinétion between the obligation of engage ments to individuals and to the community, by tranfgreffing without remorse, in their public ftation, the very law they lo rigorously exact the observance of, in their private one. But are we certain, that, when by a fcrupulous adherence to the forms, we neglect the fubftance of our duty, or when, in paying, the debt of honour to one, we contribute to deftroy the property and ftab the credit of thousands, we thall not be fummoned to, caft up this account on each fide, and to weigh the intrinfic worth of both thefe actions in the balance? Will they ftand a moment in fufpenfe, if to be truly honourable is to be honeft, and if the first born fon of honefty be a fincere love of our country? I mult once more, before I bid them fare wo farewell, intreat my fellow fubjects to reflect, as I have done, with a peculiar degree of ferious attention, on the prefent fituation of public affairs. Remember the artifice which adminiftration in England, but the other day, adopted to elude the free reprefentation, and perhaps the vengeance of the people, by a fudden and unforeseen diffolution of parliament; and do not lofe fight of the advantage we enjoy, in proceeding, with a conftitutional deliberation, to the choice of a parliament; in which is to be depofited the facred palladium of our finking ftate: Deliver it into the hands of intrepid and vigilant defenders, with this admonition,-Beware how you fuffer tyranny or rapine, fubtlety or craft, to wreft this precious pledge of fafety from your care, leti ye heap ruin on your own heads, and cover us, who appointed you for its protection, with everlafting infamy and reproach. Life of Admiral Monta ut, afterwards Earl of Sandwich. R. EDWARD MONTAGUE was the only furviving fon of Sir Sidney Montague, the youngeft of fix fons of Edward Lord Montague of Boughton, He was born July 27, 1625. He married, when little above 17, the daughter of Mr. Crew, afterwards lord Crew of Stene; and, being thought more warmly affected to the caufe of the parliament than his father Sir Sidney Montague was, who had been expelled his feat for refusing to take an oath to live and die with the Earl of Effex; and giving fuch a reafon for it, as it was eafier to punish than anfwer, received a commiffion, dated August 20, 1643, to raise and command a regiment, under the earl before mentioned. This col. Montague, though but 18, performed; and he took the field in fix weeks. He was prefent at the ftorming of Lincoln, on the 6th of May, 1644. He was likewife in the battle of Marfton-Moor, on the 2d of July, the fame year. Soon after, when the city of York demanded to capitulate, he was one of the commiffioners for fettling the articles. We find him the next year in the battle of Nafeby, and in the month of July, 1645, he formed the town of Bridgewater. In September, he commanded a brigade in the form of Briftol, on the 10th of September, 1645, fubfcribed the articles of the capitulation, granted to Prince Rupert, on the delivery of that important place to the parliament; the news of this he, in conjunction with Colonel Hammond, was appointed to car for which a thanksgiving was order But, after all this warm fervice in the army, at an age when few people have feen one, he fhewed no inclination to make the sword the fupreme power; but, when, by the artifices of their leaders, the foldiers declared againft the parlia ment, and impeached eleven of its moft worthy members, he forbore going to the houfe, where, though not of age, he fa as knight for Huntingdonshire. His acquaintance, however, with Cromwell; the court paid him by that artful man, and his own generous unfufpected temper; drew him in to accept a feat at the board of Treafury, and into a fhare of the tranfactions in thofe times. After the Dutch war was over, he was brought into a command of the fleet, and was made choice of, by the protector, to be joined with Blake, in his expedition into the Mediterranean. Here Amiral Montague made prizes of the Spanish galleons, the cargoes of which, confifting chiefty of filver, were carried in great pomp to the Tower of London. For this fervice the parliament returned him thanks by their speaker. In 1657. he was appointed to command the fleet in the Downs, and went accordingly on board it, in the latter end of the month of July. The defign of this fleet was to watch the Dutch, to carry on the war with Spain, and facilitate the enterprife on Dunkirk; and in all thefe he did as much as could be expected from him. Towards the autumn, he thought fit to make a journey to the camp of the Marfhal de Turenne, where he had a conference with him, as to the propereft method of carrying on the war; and then returned on board the fleet, which cruifed in the channel till the beginning of winter. After the death of Oliver, and the fetting up of Richard, admiral Montague was made choice of to command the great fleet fent to the North. The Nafeby, which was the fhip the admiral failed in, carried 70 guns and 600 men, the Refolution had the like number of men, and Ɛo guns. There were, of thips carrying 50 pieces of cannon and upwards, 14; twenty eight 40 gun fhips or near it; four of 30 guns, and twelve fhips carrying between eight and 22 pieces of cannon; in all 60 thips, and on board them 11,820 men. The admiral went on board the fleet in the fpring of the year 1659, and, on the 7th of April, he wrote to the king of Sweden, the king of Denmark, and the Dutch admiral, Opdam, to inform them of the motives that had induced the protector to fend fo great a fleet into the Baltic. Before Before the admiral failed, the parliament thought proper to tie him down by very frist instructions, which left him no real power but in conjunction with their commiffioners colonel Algernoon Sidney, Sir Robert Honeywood, and Mr. Thomas Boon; and, at the fame time, they took an occafion to fhew they had no great kindnefs for him, by giving away his regiment of horfe; fo that we may fuppofe he left England in none of the warmest difpofitions for their fervice. When he arrived in the Sound, he took his fhare with other minifters in negociation, and made it fufficiently evident, that his genius was equally capable of fhining in the cabinet, or cominanding at fea, or on shore. While he was thus employed, King Charles, being very well informed as to his temper, principles, and ftrict connection with the protector's family, thought this a proper time (that family being intirely laid afide) to make a trial of his affections; and therefore fent a perfon with two letters, one from himself and the other from chancellor Hyde, to be delivered to him, if poffible, without the privity of his collegues. The fcheme was rational and well laid; but the meffenger very indifferently chofen. He was one whofe loyalty was apt to dance upon his tongue in these perilous times, when wife men kept it clofe in their hearts; and it was with fome difficulty that the admiral preferved him from fuffering by his indifcretion. Yet the letters and perfuafions of a near relation of his, who undertook to ftate the merits of the royal caufe fairly, had fuch an effect on admiral Montague's mind, that he returned immediately to his duty, with all that warmth and fincerity incident to great minds confcious of former failings. The service the king expected from him was a speedy return to England, that the fleet might be ready to act in conjunction with Sir George Booth, and other perfons of diftinction, who were difpofed to hazard their lives for the fervice of their country on weighing which proposal, Mr. Montague found it fo plaufible, that he refolved to run any hazard, rather than not put it in execulion; conceiving, that, if this opportunity was miffed, another equally fortunate might not happen quickly. Colonel Sidney was a man of quick parts and deep penetration: he foon difcerned fome change in Mr. Montague's conduct, and purfued his difcoveries fo clofely, that he miffed very little of coming at his whole fecret. The admiral, Appendix, 1775. obferving his fufpicions, called a council of war, and therein made a clear and clofe fpeech, in which he shewed them plainly the little hopes there were of doing any thing for the honour of England, by remaining where they were: That to fight they had no authority; and, if they were to remain neuter, they might as well fail home. He then laid before them the accounts he had received, from his native country, of the great ftruggles between the army and the parliament, whence he took occasion to hint, that themfelves had a great stake there; and that, if a new government was to be fettled, fome refpect ought to be had to the fleet. He concluded with faying, that he readily fubmitted his fentiments to a free debate, and that he was determined to act according to their judgment: but that one thing must be noted, provifions were already become fcarce, it was very difficult to obtain fupplies; and, therefore, if they refolved to stay, they must refolve alfo to live at fhort allowance. The question was foon decided, and, in confequence of the council's opinion, admiral Montague weighed immediately and failed for England. On his arrival, he found things in a very unexpected fituation; Sir George Booth in the Tower, the parliament reftored to their authority, and a warm charge against himself come to hand from colonel Sidney. Immediately on his arrival he fet out for London, attended the parliament, and gave an account of his conduct with fo much wifdom and eloquence, that even fuch as difliked it knew not what to object, and were, therefore very well fatisfied with difmiffing him from his command; to which Lawfon was appointed, a rigid Anabaptift, and one in whom they had the greatest confidence. After fuch an escape, Mr. Montague withdrew to his own eftate, with a defign to enjoy in privacy and peace the remainder of his life; and this made him concern himself very little, if at all, in the following public tranfactions, be fore Monk's coming into England. After this, when that general fhewed a defire that admiral Montague fhould be again reftored to his command, he fent privately to the king for his approba tion, before he would accept it. Haying obtained this, he fent his majesty a lift of fuch officers in the fleet as might be confided in, and of fuch as he apprehended must be reduced by force. He likewife defired to know, whether the king had any affurance of the general; Ggggg but but was fo cautious, as to defire no notice might be taken to his excellency how his inclinations flood. On his coming on board the fleet, he found things frangely altered, and Lawfon, from whom he expected moft oppofition, as ready to ferve the king as himfelf: upon which he laid by all referve, and, as foon as he received the king's letter directed to himself and general Monk, he failed with the fleet to Holland, leaving only two or three fhips to attend the parliament commiffioners. This was a very warm teftimony of his affection for the king's fervice, and as fuch was received by his majefty; but, when it was obferved that the parliament commiffioners looked upon it as a mark of difrefpect, the king was pleafed to cover Mr. Montague by fending him an order that was antedated. Soon after he had the honour to convey his majefty to England, who, two days after his landing at Dover, fent Sir Edward Walker, garter king at arms, to deliver him his declaratory letters, with the Garter and George of the most noble order of the garter, which he prefented him on the 28th of May, in the morning, in his fhip then riding in the Downs. Among the honours conferred on fuch as had been particularly inftrumental in restoring his majefty to his just rights, our admiral had his fhare, and by let ters patent, dated the 12th of July, 1660, he was created Baron Montague of St. Neots in the county of Huntingdon, Viscount Hinchingbrooke in the fame county, and Earl of Sandwich in Kent; fworn of his majesty's most honourable privy council, made maiter of the King's Wardrobe, Admiral of the narrow Seas, and Lieutenant-Admiral to the Duke of York, as Lord High Admiral of England. At his Majefty's Coronation, his lordfhip carried St. Edward's Staff, and was now looked upon as one of the king's principal minifters, as well as the perfon chiefly intrufted with the care of the fleet. He constantly attended the council, when any tranfactions relating to foreign affairs were under debate; and always gave his opinion like a good fubject and a true patriot. When the marriage with the Infanta was concluded, he brought her majefty over, and performed other fervices as has been already flewn. the command of the fleet, as High Admiral, his lordship commanded the Blue fquadron, and, by his induftry and care, abundance of the enemy's fhips were taken, and the best part of their Bourdeaux fleet. In the great battle, fought on the 3d of June, 1665, wherein the Dutch loft their admiral Opdam, and had eighteen men of war taken, and fourteen destroyed, a large fhare of the honour of the victory was justly given to the conduct of the earl of Sandwich; who, about noon, fell, with the Blue fquadron, into the centre of the enemy's fleet, and thereby began that confufion, which ended, foon after, in a plain flight. Most of our hiftorians agree, that, if this victory had been properly purfued, the Dutch fleet had been ruined; and the neglect of this advantage is by fome charged on the duke of York: yet Burnet, who pretends to a very particular knowledge of this matter, has certainly advanced a direct falfity about it, fince he affirms that Brounker carried orders, as from the duke to admiral Penn, to flack fail; whereas, in truth, these orders were carried to Sir John Harman, who was captain of the dake's fhip, and unluckily obeyed them. This deftroys all the rest of the bishop's story, about a Council of War, and Penn's opinion therein, that the Dutch were more formidable, and would fight the better for being beat. However, on the return of the English navy, and a report to his majefty of what had paffed at fea, the king declared the duke of York fhould not return to the command of the fleet; but that it should be left to the earl of Sandwich, who was ordered to take care to put it as speedily as poffible in a condition to return to the Dutch coaft; which he accordingly performed. The earl of Sandwich failed on the fifth of July, with 60 men of War to the coaft of Holland, bearing the royal ftandard of England, and having under him the bravest seamen that perhaps ever bore the English flags. Finding the Dutch fleet not at fea, and having information that both their Eaft-India and Smyrna fleets were to return home north about, he refolved to fteer for the coaft of Norway, in hopes of meeting with them: nor was this a difficult thing, fince it was foon after known, that they had When the Dutch War began, in 1664, taken fhelter in the port of Berghen. the earl of Sandwich went heartily in- Admiral Tyddiman blocked them up to the measure, as conceiving it for the in this harbour for fome days, and at honour and intereft of England; and, length attacked them under the guns of when the duke of York took upon him the fort; while the Danish governor, notwithstanding |