1 ЕВ. 18, 1830.] The Hornet. [H. of R. when they are about to enter upon scenes of danger, titled to this small pittance? Upon the strictest constructhey may not be appalled by the helplessness of their tion, the representatives of the officers and crew of the families, should any thing occur to them by which they Hornet may demand what they were earning up to the might be deprived of their protection and support to en-moment of their loss. And is not the claim materially the courage them to meet the perils of their station bravely, same for a short time after that event? May not their by holding out the certainty of future support to their families most properly look to us for that little portion of bereaved families. This is the true ground on which the their subsistence which they were anticipating, and need pension list is bottomed. Does this case come fairly with- the more because of this melancholy disaster? Why do in the range of the principle stated? It is certainly very we allow pensions? It is upon a principle of duty and doubtful if it do. All who belonged to the Hornet were strict propriety. And such is the case here. Justice and there by their own free will, and there were many who true national policy imperiously demand we should pass envied them the situations they held. Was it a war they this bill. It is the settled policy of the Government. were engaged in when they perished? No. Did they en-And, sir, if a wife and children may ask, upon the princicounter any danger? No. There would be much strong-ple of right, I see not why brothers and sisters may not. er ground for the proposition, had this lamentable occur. We owe this money to the representatives of these men. rence happened in time of war. But the bill, as it now Let us not add distress upon affliction, by withholding a stands, is wrong in principle. And I ask with the gentle- momentary relief. man from North Carolina, [Mr. SPEIGHT] if this principle Mr. EVERETT inquired what was the precise question is adopted, where is it to stop? It must go in infinitum. before the House? They did not encounter any extraordinary danger. Their The SPEAKER stated the question to be on the motion loss was an act of Heaven-of the hand of God. There to recommit, with instructions to strike out the clause exis nothing extraordinary connected with it, calculated to tending relief to brothers and sisters, in default of ncarer excite our sympathies, except the deplorable destruction relations. of human life'which might not have happened to any other Such [said Mr. EVERETT] was my understanding of vessel, either public or private; and it is evident that the state of the question, and it seems to me, therefore, the places occupied by them might well have been desir-not in order to discuss the general principle of the bill. ed by thousands. But how does the principle of the pen-It has been admitted that this bill was to pass, and the only sion system apply to brothers and sisters? They are wholly objection taken to it, in committee, was to this extension unconnected with the service or its dangers. If, as the of its provisions to brothers and sisters. This objection gentleman from New York [Mr. STORRS] says, the brothers assumes that the officers, seamen, and marines of our or sisters of any of these officers or men are poor, and public armed ships belong to that class of the community their poverty is the consequence of this misfortune, I shall in which they are likely to have wealthy brothers and sisvote for them; but the sisters of some of them, for aught ters; such as stand in no need of the gratuity provided by we know, may have husbands worth thousands of dollars. this bill. No one can suppose that this is the case with Mr. T. denied that this principle had always been ob- the petty officers, seamen, and marines, who are, of course, served by this House; and, in corroboration of what he the most numerous class of those provided for; and, as far as said, he instanced the case of the mother of Commodore they are concerned, the objection falls to the ground. Perry, whose claims for a pension were brought before The same, in general, may, no doubt, be said of the offCongress, under circumstances calculated to arouse all our cers as a class. It is by no means true, generally speaksympathics. She was admitted to be poor at the time, ing, (as the objection before us supposes,) that they are and that she derived her sole support from her son; yet of an affluent class in society. But granting that they her claim was rejected. The principle now sought to be are, and that the objection taken is well founded, do not established would soon become general, and a dangerous gentlemen see that it proves too much? It is urged that, precedent [he said] it would be. He did not view this by extending this gratuity to brothers and sisters, we ex1 case in the light in which pensions are ordinarily given, for tend it to some of the richest persons in the country. If he did not think it would hold out any encouragement for this be so, cannot, and ought not, these rich persons suppersons to enter into the land or naval service. It was a port their parents, their nephews, and nieces? But it is hard duty he had to perform in moving the recommitment granted that these last are entitled to the gratuity; athough, of the bill; and if he were to be governed by the dictates in proportion as these unfortunate officers, lost in the Horof his feelings, he could not have done it; but his judg-net, have left wealthy brothers and sisters, in the same ment pointed out to him what was his duty, and he was proportion their widows, children, and parents have no forced to pursue its dictate. need of the public gratuity. But to deny it to these last, is against the admitted expediency of the whole bill. Mr. T. concluded, by stating that he did not wish to vote against the bill, notwithstanding the questionable charac- It is plain, therefore, that there is no course for those ter in which it comes before the House; but, as it stands, opposed to the clause in question, but to go against the its claims are addressed much more to our sympathies principle of the whole bill, as is done, in point of fact, by than our justice. the gentleman from North Carolina, and the gentleman Mr. HOFFMAN expressed his regret that a discussion from Indiana. I shall not engage in the defence of that on this subject should have taken place, and proceeded principle, for it is sufficiently established in the legislation to explain and defend the objects and the principle of the of the country. I cannot, however, forbear a reply to bill. He said the naval service was promoted by grants of one or two remarks of the gentleman from Indiana, [Mr. this kind, and he hoped that the House would not depart, TEST] by which he seemed to distinguish between this in the present case, from a rule so long established, and case and that of the widows and orphans of officers and recognised in the proceedings of this House in several in-seamen killed in battle. He thinks that, in time of peace, stances. A departure from a system, so beneficial in its the service is on a different footing from what it is in time consequences to the naval service, would diminish the en- of war, and less meritorious. If there is any difference, couragement now held out to persons to enter it. He however, the service is more attractive in time of war; hoped the discussion would not be protracted, and that and it is more peculiarly necessary, in time of peace, on the bill would be suffered to pass. public grounds, to strengthen the encouragements which Mr. ELLSWORTH said, the bill rested more upon a it presents. As to the officers, of course, no distinction principle of duty, than of mere favor and gratitude. Are exists; they engage in the service for life. The men engentlemen prepared to say that the representatives of these list for limited terms; but I believe the calculation, whether unfortunate men are not, upon principles of justice, en- it is a time of peace or war, or whether a war is likely H. of R.] The Judiciary.--Indian Affairs. [FEB. 19 to 24, 1830. Swann, Swift, Taliaferro, Taylor, Test, Vance, Varnum, So the bill was passed, and sent to the Senate for concurrence. THE JUDICIARY. sooner or later to happen, never enters into their heads; phens, H. R. Storrs, Wm. L. Storrs, Strong, Sutherland, and, as far as the temptations to enlist exist, it is as easy to enlist a crew in time of war as in peace. I believe, sir, that every motive of fair policy requires these encouragements in the service rather in time of peace than war. The gentleman said, the vessel was not lost in battle, but by casualty; it was not a danger to be bravely encountered; no energetic act was to be performed. I differ from the gentleman. I believe that a storm, violent enough to destroy a ship of war, is far more dangerous and terrific to landsmen or seamen, than any battle that was ever fought. Gentlemen recollect the descriptions that we have had of the frightful storm which swept the Gulf of Mexico, about the 10th of September, and in which it is supposed the Hornet was lost. A letter has gone the rounds of the newspapers, from a vessel which was on the outer verge of the range of this storm; and the captain the Whole House on the state of the Union, Mr. CAMThe House again resolved itself into a Committee of represents it as dreadful beyond description. Do gentle-BRELENG in the chair, on the bill establishing circuit courts, men tell me that the condition of a vessel of war, oppress and abridging the jurisdiction of certain district courts. ed by her armament, in such a storm, is nothing compared Mr. WICKLIFFE, of Kentucky, moved an amendment, to a battle? Sir, a battle has no terrors to the gallant sea-the object of which was to add three judges to the bench man. It is full of hope, promise, glory, and even reward, of the Supreme Court, and to arrange the circuits in the if no higher motive operated. But what is there to ani-States of Ohio, Kentucky, Tennessee, Indiana, Illinois, mate and cheer him in one of those tremendous tempests, Missouri, Mississippi, Louisiana, and Alabama, among to enable him to bear the labor, and brave the dangers these three additional judges. that surround him? I am well persuaded, sir, that there After some observations from Mr. BUCHANAN in opwas not one individual, man or officer, on board the unfortunate Hornet, whose muscles were not stiff with labor; position to, and from Mr. JOHNSON, of Kentucky, in fawhose nerves were not strained with agony, before he or of, the amendment, it was rejected without a division. went down to his watery grave. Mr. SPENCER, of New York, then moved an amendAnd suppose it had been told them, at the last dreadful hour, that, within four ment to the bill, the object of which was to equalize the Atlantic circuits thus: the first circuit, consisting of Maine, months, a pittance like this (and a miserable pittance, New Hampshire, Massachusetts, and Rhode Island, to reafter all, it is) would be proposed in the Congress of the main as it is; the second circuit, consisting of Vermont, United States, for the relief of the widows, the mothers, Connecticut, and New York, to remain as it is; the third the children, the sisters, dependant on them for support, circuit to consist of New Jersey, Pennsylvania, and Delaand whom they should never behold again, and that this poor pittance would be denied, would it not have added lina; the fifth, of South Carolina and Georgia; the sixth, ware; the fourth, of Maryland, Virginia, and North Carounspeakably to the agony of that last moment, and have of Ohio, Indiana, Illinois, and Missouri; the seventh, of embittered the bitter cup of death? Sir, I speak with Kentucky and Tennessee. The amendment then profeeling on the subject; and with good reason. Among my poses that a circuit judge be appointed, with all the powers neighbors, there are some included within the provisions of a judge of the Supreme Court, (except that he is not of this bill. I speak for the widow and orphan, whose to sit on the bench of the Supreme Court,) who, in conwants have been brought home to me. It is my duty to them, my duty to myself, to oppose the recommitment. I hope the clause will not be stricken out; but that the bill will pass, as it came from the Committee of the Whole. The question being then taken on the motion of Mr. TEST, to recommit the bill to the Committee on Naval Aflors, it was decided in the negative, by yeas and nays, by 114 votes to 70. The question was then taken on the passage of the bill, and decided as follows: junction with the district judges of the respective districts, shall hold circuit courts, twice in each year, in the States of Mississippi, Alabama, and Louisiana. After this amendment was read and ordered to be printed, the committee rose. [On Friday and Saturday there was no debate of general interest.] MONDAY, FEBRUARY 22, 1830. TUESDAY, FEBRUARY 23, 1830. THE JUDICIARY. YEAS.--Messrs. Alexander, Anderson, Angel, Arnold, Bailey, Barber, Barringer, Bartley, Bates, Baylor, Beekman, Bockee, Boon, Borst, Brodhead, Brown, Buchan-discussion of appropriation bills. an, Butman, Cahoon, Cambreleng, Campbell, Chandler, Clark, Condict, Conner, Cooper, Coulter, Cowles, H. Craig, Crane, Crawford, Creighton, jr., Crocheron, Crowninshield, John Davis, Deberry, Denny, De Witt, Dickinson, Doddridge, Dorsey, Dudley, Dwight, Earll, jr., Ellsworth, George Evans, J. Evans, E. Everett, H. Judiciary bill. Everett, Finch, Ford, Forward, Fry, Gilmore, Green, Mr. SPENCER, of New York, rose, and addressed the Grennell, jr., Halsey, Hammons, Hemphill, Hinds, Hod-committee about an hour and a half in support of his ges, Hoffman, Hubbard, Hughes, Huntington, Ihrie, jr., amendment, and in explanation of his views of the whole Ingersoll, Irwin, Isacks, Jennings, Johns, jr., R. M. John-subject under consideration. The House then again went into Committee of the Whole, Mr. CAMBRELENG in the chair, and took up the WEDNESDAY, FEBRUARY 24, 1830. He had not concluded, son, Kendall, Kennon, Kincaid, Adam King, Leiper, when he gave way for a motion for the committee to rise. Lent, Mallary, Marr, Martindale, Martin, Thomas Maxwell, Lewis Maxwell, McCreery, McDuffie, McIntire, Mercer, Miller, Mitchell, Monell, Muhlenburg, Overton, Pearce, Pettis, Pierson, Potter, Powers, Ramsey, Randolph, Reed, Rencher, Richardson, Ripley, Rose, Russel, Scott, W. B. Shepard, Shields, Semmes, Sill, Smith, Smyth, A. Spencer, R. Spencer, Stanbery, Sterigere, Ste INDIAN AFFAIRS. Mr. BELL, from the Committee on Indian Affairs, to which was referred that part of the President's message which relates to the Indian Affairs, and sundry resolutions FEB. 24, 1830.] Indian Affairs. H. of R. and memorials upon the same subject, made a report duties, too, and had never yet failed to perform them. thereon, accompanied by a bill to provide for the removal To the legislation of Congress, relative to the Indians of the Indian tribes within any of the States and Terri- within her jurisdiction, she looked without apprehension, tories, and for their permanent settlement west of the certain that it would be limited to its only constitutional river Mississippi; which was read, and committed to the objects, and without solicitude, except that which she felt Committee of the Whole House on the state of the Union, in common with every other State, in the condition of and, with the report and documents, ordered to be printed. these children of the forest. Her interest in the question Mr. BUCHANAN said this was a subject of great im- had been vastly exaggerated. The number of Indians portance; the more, as he had no doubt, from the nature within her limits was but little greater than that within of the numerous memorials presented to the House, that the territory of New York, and their hunting grounds great misapprehension prevailed in the country on the comprised about five millions of acres. subject. It was commonly believed that the Indians were Her relations with the United States on the subject of to be removed from the Southern States by force; and these lands were indeed peculiar; and, when it became nothing was further from the intention of Congress, or of the subject of discussion, it would be seen whether blame the State of Georgia either, than this. It was right to rested any where, and with whom. It was enough now correct the erroneous impression of the public on this to avoid lending sanction, by his silence, to errors of dansubject; and he therefore moved that ten thousand addi-gerous tendency. He trusted that the largest number of tional copies of the report be printed for the use of the the report proposed would be printed. All who had taken so active and ardent an interest in the affairs of the House. Mr. BURGES did not rise to controvert the printing of Indians and Georgia, would naturally be desirous of seeany number of copies of the report, but in some sort to ing the facts and arguments of the committee. It was to controvert the idea suggested, namely, that misapprehen- be hoped many of those persons were sincere inquirers sion and error had gone abroad on this subject. The gen-after truth. Let us, then, afford them whatever light we tleman said nothing was further from the intention of this have, to guide them in their search. Government and of Georgia, than to remove the Indians Mr. BATES could not, until he knew what the report by force. Mr. B. presumed that nothing of this sort was was, consent to order this great extra number to be intended by the Government of the United States; but printed. He had great confidence in the committee which when he saw Georgia making laws to extend over the In-made the report, and especially for the honorable chairdians her jurisdiction, and excluding them from the exer- man: but he wished the report to lie on the table until tocise of their own rights, and calculated to drive them off, morrow or next day, to afford an opportunity for examinhe could not agree to the remark of the gentleman. He ing it; and he moved to postpone the motion for the extra hoped the motion would be postponed for a week, by printing until to-morrow. which time the report would be printed, and the House could see what it was, and whether it was such as to deserve this great circulation among the people. Mr. THOMPSON, of Georgia, called for the reading of the report. This was opposed by Mr. SUTHERLAND, as a useless waste of time; and was insisted on by Mr. THOMPSON, who said it was necessary, in as much as the not knowing what it contained was made a plea for objecting to the printing. Mr. WILDE said, he did not intend to be drawn into a premature discussion--premature, at least, in his judgment-of the highly important questions involved in the bill and report of the Committee on Indian Affairs, which Mr. REED deprecated this departure from the old had not yet been read. He agreed with the gentleman usage of the House, which was growing up. It had been from Pennsylvania, [Mr. BUCHANAN] that great misappre- the practice to print the usual numbers of a document, hension had existed on this subject, and disagreed with the and, when read and understood, if found of great interest, gentleman from Rhode Island, who insisted that there was to print an extra number. Now, it was becoming custono misapprehension in relation to the policy and conduct mary, when a report was made, for some gentleman, not of the State of Georgia. That State had indeed made a member of the committee, but knowing something of it provision prospectively for extending her laws over every person within her limits. In doing so, she had done no more than had recently been done by some of the new States-nothing more than had long since been done by several of the old ones. He denied that the State of Mr. THOMPSON said, in deference to the opinions of Georgia entertained the project of driving the Indians friends near him, he would withdraw the call for the from her soil by force; and he believed he had at least as reading. good an opportunity of being informed as to the views and policy of that State, as the honorable gentleman from Rhode Island. he supposed, to get up, and move an extraordinary number of copies. He hoped before this was agreed to, in the present case, the House would be enabled to know the contents of the report. Mr. TAYLOR said a few words in favor of the postponement; and if that were not carried, he should call for the reading himself, as he could not vote for this extra On a proper occasion he would enter into an examina- number without knowing something of the report. tion of that policy. And he imagined it would not be Mr. BUCHANAN rose to insist on the opinion which difficult to prove that she had treated the Indians within he had expressed, that great misapprehension existed in her limits with as much forbearance, humanity, and good the country respecting this Indian question. The memofaith, as any of the States in which she has found accus- rials which loaded the tables of this House proved this ers. He would not institute, yet he should not shun, a fact. He was satisfied that the fears of memorialists recomparison between her conduct in this respect, and that specting the intentions of the Government, and of the State of any of the old States; and he promised gentlemen, if they did think proper to institute it, he would follow it out as far as his knowledge of their history extended, and the patience of the House would allow him. of Georgia, were totally groundless. The forcible removal of the Indians was thought, in many parts of the country, to be resolved on--a great excitement prevailed on the subject-enthusiasts have been busy in scattering At present, he was desirous merely of correcting ano- firebrands and arrows throughout the country relative to ther misapprehension, in regard to the great excitement this subject, calculated to create discord, to sow the seeds and deep interest which it was supposed the State of of disunion, and to sever brethren who ought ever to Georgia felt in the proceedings of Congress on this sub- be united. It was proper the people should have inforject. He believed there was no such excitement as had mation to remove the error prevalent on this subject; and been imagined. That State knew her rights, and was al- who [he asked] would desire to keep such information ways ready and able to maintain them. She knew her from the people? H. of R.] Indian Affairs. [FEB. 24, 1830. Mr. WICKLIFFE would be willing to print the same have done, and he wished it read. He had voted, some number of this report as had been ordered of a report on days ago, for printing six thousand copies of a report, the same subject made some years ago--he believed at without its being read, [the report made by Mr. CAMBRE the close of the nineteenth Congress--but no more. That LENG, from the Committee on Commerce,] and he confess report was made; and, without being read, a large addi-ed, if he had known what that report contained, he should tional number of copies were ordered to be printed. have voted differently. He was resolved not to commit Mr. EVERETT, of Massachusetts, said the gentleman the same error again. was mistaken. He [Mr. E.] made that report himself, and Mr. HAYNES, of Georgia, said the objection to the he well remembered that it was read through to the printing seemed to be the idea that the report was a par House, before the printing was ordered. But as to the tial one, an argument on one side. This was mere preother question, the gentleman from Pennsylvania had said sumption, and ought not to hinder the distribution of the that great misapprehension existed in the country on this information which it contained among the people. SupIndian subject; and gave that as a reason for moving the posing the character of the report such as was imputed to large additional number of copies of the report. Mr. it, the House had printed a large extra number of a forE. said, he would not contend about the correctness of mer report of an opposite character, and it would be unthis opinion, because that would be plunging into the dis- fair to withhold this. cussion. But when the House is told that great error of Mr. WHITE, of New York, seeing no end to this deopinion prevails on this subject, and that a certain docu-bate, and perceiving its tendency to a premature discus ment is calculated to contradict that opinion and correct sion of the whole subject, if indulged, moved the previous the misapprehenson, would the House favor the extensive question; but withdrew his motion at the request of distribution of that document without first hearing it? Was it not proper first to know what opinions it contradicts, and what it affirms? He had so much confidence in the committee, that had the printing been moved without any reason but the interest of the subject, he would have voted for it without hesitation; but it was the reason assigned for the motion which made him averse to consent to it. Mr. GOODENOW, of Ohio, was in favor of the extra number of copies. As the subject was one of great importance, and as he had perfect confidence in the committee, he was willing, on the faith of that confidence, to vote for the motion. There was nothing, he thought, more important, there was nothing more dear to him, than giving information to the people. Mr. CAMBRELENG, who regretted to hear what the gentleman [Mr. MILLER] had said about the report of the Committee on Commerce. He knew not whether to consider those remarks as implying a compliment or a censure, but he was bound to receive them as complimentary. Would that gentleman suppress information, or withhold it from the people, because it might not correspond with his own views, or because he might dissent from the deductions from it. Mr. C. was surprised at the opposition to printing the extra number of the present report. There had been an Indian war raging out of doors; and he wished to have the question brought in here, where they might have a fair and honorable war with the other side, who had been carrying it on out of doors. He should like to see who were the members that were opposed to having this question placed fairly before the people; and he, therefore, demanded the yeas and nays on the motion for post Mr. LAMAR, of Georgia, said he would not now enter into any discussion of the subject; but, when the time came, he could show, that, in the conduct of Georgia respecting the Indians, there was nothing inconsistent with ponement. the constitution or with propriety. That now was not the Mr. STORRS, of New York, said that he wished to vote question; but it was true that great misapprehension ex-understandingly on every matter connected with so deisted in some parts of the country on the subject; the licate and important a subject as that before the House. newspapers had teemed with statements and comments He might or might not agree to the principles of the recalculated to mislead the public mind; and he hoped that port, and could not say whether he did or not, as it had not a large number of this report might be printed, and distributed among the people, to counteract the great misrepresentation on the subject. been read to the House, and he did not know exactly what the report was. He hoped that he should not be pressed to vote blindfolded on any question relating to it. He had, Mr. STERIGERE, of Pennsylvania, took it for granted during the debate, looked very slightly at some of the that the report embraced all the laws of Georgia respect- sheets at the table, but had not time to read a passage of ing the Indians, and all the facts of the case, presented in it carefully. In that part which he cast his eye upon, he a fair view; and, as it would therefore enable the people saw that a paragraph from an opinion was quoted from a to form a correct opinion on the subject, he was in favor case in the Supreme Court of New York, but he had not of printing the additional copies. Mr. S. concurred in time to look and see whether the report further stated the opinion that the most erroneous impressions were en-that the case had been reversed in the court of errors there. tertained among the people on this subject. His own cor- He wanted information as to the nature of the report and respondence, as well as the numerous petitions received its principles. At any rate, he did not wish to act in darkby this House, convinced him of the fact. He had re-ness upon it. He moved that it should be read to the ceived a letter lately from home, expressing surprise at a House, and asked the yeas and nays on that question. proposition now before Congress, as was honestly believed, The yeas and nays were ordered; and the question was for removing the Indians by force; and the people in his taken on the reading of the report, and decided in the part of the country were actually holding meetings to pe-affirmative: yeas, 120-nays, 56. tition Congress against such a measure. Another letter The Clerk accordingly commenced reading, and had was in favor of the extension of jurisdiction over the In-proceeded about half an hour; when dians by the State of Georgia; but protested against the Mr. CLAY, of Alabama, moved to dispense with the contemplated forcible removal, in favor of that which has further reading, which was agreed to--78 to 57. been done, and against that which is not intended. He A motion was then (about three o'clock) made to adcited other cases to establish the fact of great misappre-journ, and lost: yeas, 48--nays, 90. hension on the subject; and as this report would correct those erroneous impressions, he was in favor of the extra number. Mr. MILLER, of Pennsylvania, preferred knowing for himself what the report contained, before he voted for printing this large additional number. The debate had consumed more time than the reading of the report could Mr. WHITE now renewed his motion for the previous question, which was seconded by a majority of the House. Mr. STORRS, of New York, then moved to lay the motion for printing on the table, and called for the yeas and nays on the motion. The yeas and nays were ordered; and, being called, the motion to lay on the table was lost: yeas, 37-nays, 143. FEB. 25, 1830.] West Point Academy. [H. of R. The previous question recurring, education of rich men's sons for nothing, twenty-eight dolMr. VANCE demanded the yeas and nays on it, and lars a month besides. Another bad effect of it was, that they were ordered. no man could get a commission in the army unless he had And the previous question being put, "Shall the main been educated at West Point; but the army had been question be now put?" it was carried: yeas, 126-headed very well by men who never went to that academy. nays, 48. He remembered, in the little struggle we had a few years The main question was then accordingly put, viz. on the ago, he had gone out and performed his twelve months motion to print ten thousand additional copies of the re-tour of duty in the defence of his country, as well as he port, and decided in the affirmative, by yeas and nays, as could. He did not mention this to boast of it; he there follows: yeas, 113-nays, 56. THURSDAY, FEBRUARY 25, 1830. saw thousands of poor men who had also gone out to fight their country's battles, but none of them had ever been at West Point, and none of them had any sons at West Point. A man could fight the battles of his country, and lead his Mr. CROCKETT moved the following resolutions, viz. country'starmies, without being educated at West Point. 1. Resolved, That if the bounty of the Government is Jackson never went to West Point school, nor Brownto be at all bestowed, the destitute poor, and not the rich no, nor Governor Carroll; nor did Colonel Cannon, under and influential, are the objects who most claim it, and to whom Mr. C. said he served, and a faithful good officer whom the voice of humanity most loudly calls the atten- he was. tion of Congress. The truth was, [said Mr. C.] this academy did not suit 2. Resolved, That no one class of the citizens of these the people of our country, and they were against it; the United States has an exclusive right to demand or re-men who are raised there are too nice to work; they are ceive, for purposes of education, or for other purposes, first educated there for nothing, and then they must have more than an equal and ratable proportion of the funds of salaries to support them after they leave there--this does the national treasury, which is replenished by a common not suit the notions of working people, of men who had contribution, and, in some instances, more at the cost of to get their bread by their labor. He, therefore, felt it the poor man, who has but little to defend, than that of his duty to oppose this institution. He had intended, when the rich man, who seldom fights to defend himself or his the appropriation bills should come up, to move to strike property. out the appropriation for the support of this academy; and 3. Resolved, That each and every institution, calculat-he waited the other day till after three o'clock, when it ed, at public expense, and under the patronage and sanc-was expected they would be taken up, when the House tion of the Government, to grant exclusive privileges ex-was in committee; and, after he went away, the bills were cept in consideration of public services, is not only aristo- taken up, and passed through the committee. cratic, but a downright invasion of the rights of the citi- Mr. C. wanted information for the people about this zen, and a violation of the civil compact called "the con-academy; perhaps they did not know enough about it; stitution." 4. Resolved, further, That the Military Academy at West Point is subject to the foregoing objections, in as much as those who are educated there receive their instruction at the public expense, and are generally the sons of the rich and influential, who are able to educate their own children. While the sons of the poor, for want of active friends, are often neglected, or if educated, even at the expense of their parents, or by the liberality of their friends, are superseded in the service by cadets educated at the West Point academy. 5. Resolved, therefore, and for the foregoing reasons, That said institution should be abolished, and the appropriations annually made for its support be discontinued. some of them, may be, had never heard of it, and he wanted to let them hear of it, and know all about it. He must say, however, that he did not offer his resolution with much hope of succeeding; there were too many gentlemen in the House interested in this academy, he feared, to allow his resolution to pass; but it was his duty to try. A great deal had been said in the House about retrenchment, and they had been several weeks spending time every day in trying to dismiss a poor little draughtsman, who every body admitted had been useful, and whose duties were necessary; notwithstanding this, he must be dismissed for the sake of retrenchment. Well, what was the consequence? Why, as soon as his office was voted down, up get gentlemen to move that the committee have the same work done by the job, which every body knows is an expensive way of having public work done. That resolution, sir--[The Speaker reminded Mr. C. that it was not in order to introduce those resolutions in debate on the present question.] Mr. CROCKETT said he had endeavored some days ago to get an opportunity to offer this resolution, without being able to succeed. He submitted it in compliance with a duty which he owed his country, and to his constituents especially. The people who sent him here were opposed to this institution; he had talked to the people on Mr. C. said, he did not want to break the rules, but he the subject; they had told him what their opinions were thought it could do no harm to point out these things, and respecting it, and, if he kept his mouth shut here, he would if we are going to retrench, [said he] let us retrench so that not discharge his duty faithfully. He believed the reso-we can feel it. As for this academy, however, [said Mr. lution to be correct; the institution was kept up for the C.] the young men educated there did not suit our sereducation of the sons of the noble and wealthy, and of vice; they were too delicate, and could not rough it in the members of Congress, people of influence, and not for army like men differently raised.. When they left the the children of the poor. Indeed, it could be of little use to school, they were too nice for hard service. He had seen the poor any how; for if a poor boy could by chance get them about here, and he supposed they had good salaries, appointed, he could not get there, the expense would be which the poor people, who consumed the salt and other too great; and if he could get there, it would be at the things which were taxed, had to pay. risk of his ruin, as the chance would be that he would have Let us [said Mr. C.] put this institution down a little to go home on his own means. It was not proper that the while, and see how it will work. He believed the true inmoney of the Government should be expended in educat-terest of the Government was to put it down, although he ing the children of the noble and wealthy; that money did not, for the reason before given, hope much to sucwas raised from the poor man's pocket as well as the ceed. He wished, however, to see how the House stood rich. Every poor man, who buys a bushel of salt to salt on it, and he therefore requested the yeas and nays on his his pork, or a pound of sugar for his children, or a piece resolution. of cloth for his coat, pays his portion of the taxes out of Mr. McDUFFIE said that the resolution was one of which this West Point academy was maintained for the much importance. He would agree with the gentleman, |
