492 PROCEEDINGS of the POLITICAL CLUB, &c. Nov.

however dangerous, of vindicating what he impudently calls a right derived to him from his ancestors.

princes of that empire: It is ours to preferve concord and unanimity among the feveral members of that powerful body; and fhould we neglect our duty, we may depend upon it, that our natural enemies will never be deficient in theirs: Confe quently, an exact performance of our duty may prevent the fuccefs of their attempts, but can add nothing to their diligence in attempting; and for as remote as Spain is from Ger. many, yet a thorough reconciliation B and good correfpondence between the courts of Madrid, Vienna, and London, would contribute greatly toward rendering ineffectual all attempts to raife an inteftine war in Germany, as it would render it much more dangerous for any of the princes thereof to tranfgrefs the laws of the empire, which have provided a legal method for terminating all difputes among themfelves, without having recourse to arms.

Thus, Sir, it must appear evident to every gentleman, who does not wilfully fhut his eyes, that the fpeedy election of a king of the Romans, A or the engaging as many as poffible of the electors to concur with his majesty in that election, in cafe the prefent emperor fhould unfortunately die before it can be brought about: I fay, this must evidently appear to be the fureft foundation, upon which the present happy tranquillity can be eftablished, and the best method for preventing that event, which would unavoidably involve Europe again in the calamities of war; and our late treaty with Bavaria muft certainly be allowed to be a moft neceffary step C towards attaining this defirable end, efpecially if we confider, that the Bavarian family has long been engaged in an intereft oppofite to that of the houfe of Auftria, and is a family of great confequence in Germany by being, according to its conftitution, one D of the vicars of the empire, in cafe of an interregnum, and confequently would have a right to a fhare of the regency, in cafe of a minority. Our gaining that prince is therefore not only a great, but a double advantage, as it is gaining a most useful friend to ourfelves, and drawing off from the common enemy a friend that has been, and might ftill be of great fervice to him; confequently, it is hardly poffible to conceive, how our treaty with that prince can be a bad one, or how it can produce any un- F toward effect. But, faid the noble lord, our making fuch a ftir by thus engaging in new treaties, and granting new fubfidies, will put our natural enemies upon forming new alliances likewife. Sir, can we fuppofe, that our natural enemies will ever be G at reft, or cease their endeavours to breed difturbances in Europe, efpecially in Germany? It is their bufinefs to fow diffenfions among the

This, Sir, among many others, is a good reason for our endeavouring, by all means, to put an end to every difpute we have with Spain; and if we should recede a little from what we may justly pretend to, it would, in my opinion, be the height. of wisdom; for I am convinced, it would be better for us to yield in many E points to Spain, than to be obliged to yield in any one to France. If this had been well confidered ten or a dozen years ago, there would not have been fuch an outcry raifed against the convention then concluded with Spain; but time and experience have fince opened our eyes, and corrected our judgment; for I believe, there are now 99 out of an hundred, who wish that the plan of that convention had been purfued, and the war between the two nations prevented, which has given the French fuch an opportunity to rivet themfelves in all the branches of the trade with Spain. And how our affiento contract should now be deemed fuch an advantageous bargain, I cannot

com

1751. PROCEEDINGS of the POLITICAL CLUB, &c. 493

comprehend; for the Negro trade was
always thought an unprofitable trade,
which in the very treaty itself is af-
figned as the reafon for giving us an
annual ship; and I very well remem-
ber, fince that fhip was reprefented
as a very great inconvenience to this
nation, as the Spaniards had thereby
always in their hands a fecurity for
our good behaviour, which prevented
our fhewing a due refentment, when
they delayed doing us juftice with
regard to any difpute that happened
between the two nations.

In order to fhew, Sir, that the
present is not to be called a happy
tranquillity, the gentlemen who op-
pofe this motion, have inconfiderately
been led into a moft terrible repre-
sentation of the incroachments now

making upon us by the French,

and alone against the greatest part of Europe.

I hope, I have now fhewn, Sir, that even from the knowledge, which every gentleman must have of the prefent circumitances of Europe,we could A not refute an express approbation both of the late treaty with Spain, and of that with Bavaria, were such an approbation defired by the address now propofed; but as no fuch thing is defired, as we are not defired to promife to make good any engageB ments, but fuch as fhall appear to us to be for the publick good, as the addrefs propofed requires nothing more than a dutiful and complaifant return to his majesty's fpeech from the throne, and as our prefent difputes with France, as well as many other circumftances, render it prudent for us to be as complaifant to our fovereign, and as unanimous amongst ourselves, as poffible, I think there can be no reason for any amendment; therefore, I hope, the noble lord will withdraw his motion, that the addrefs propofed may stand upon our journals, with a nemine contradicente.

C

both in the Weft-Indies and in North-
America: I fay, inconfiderately, be-
cause it is the strongest argument that
can be made ufe of in favour of our
late treaties with Spain and Bavaria,
and in favour of the addrefs propo-
fed. If thofe incroachments be fuch D
as may juftify a war between the
two nations, furely, we should neg-
lect nothing that may contribute to-
wards convincing France, that she
will, probably, have the worst of it
in cafe of fuch a war; and is there
any thing more proper for this pur-
E
pofe, than our fhewing that there is
a perfect concord between his ma-
jefty and his parliament, and that we
have an entire confidence in the wif-
dom of our fovereign, or, if you
please, the wisdom of the minifters he
thinks fit to employ. For this reafon F
we fhould, upon the prefent occafion,
be more complaisant than ufual, in-
ftead of being lefs fo; and if France
finds that there is a thorough re-
conciliation between us and Spain,
and that there is no probability of
her being able to raise any diftur-G
bances in Germany, the will certainly
be wife enough to give up all her in-
croachments, rather than provoke a
war, in which he must stand single'

The next that spoke in this Debate, vas Horatius Cocles, whofe Speech was to this Effect.

Mr. President,

SIR,

we talk of fervility of

Wexpreffion, we ought to con

fider the perfons that are to judge of it, as well as the perfons that speak; and if we do, we must admit that even the truth may be expreffed in a fervile manner, and that the highest favour that can be conferred may be acknowledged in fuch furfeiting terms, as no gentleman would make use of, nor any man of taste receive, without a fevere rebuke. A fubmif five fort of language, that would be but a due refpect from a low fort of fervant to his mafter, would be in the highest degree mean and fervile,

S-r JH C

if

494 PROCEEDINGS of the POLITICAL CLUB, &c. Nov.

And with

if made ufe of by one gentleman to
another, or even by a fubject of any
rank to his fovereign.
refpect to the people that are to
judge of the expreffion, a fort of
language to our fovereign, which
by the people of France would be A
deemed loyal and dutiful, would by
the people of England be deemed
low and fervile, if they have any
thing left in them of that noble and
great fpirit, which animated the breaft
and directed the tongue of their an-
cestors.

heads about preferving it, as long as we can preserve our own: We have never been in quiet, or without a monftrous expence, fince we took it in our heads to be both the war-makers and peace-prefervers of Europe; and it will always be the fame, whilft we purfue that chimera. The Hon. gentleman who fpoke laft has found out an objection to the infamous treaty of Utrecht, as he calls it, which I never heard before: He fays, that Spain has not now fo much B reafon to be jealous of France, or to court the friendship of this country, as fhe had when poffeffed of her dominions in Italy and the Netherlands, which fhe was ftript of by that treaty. Whatever that gentleman may think now of that treaty, I am fure, that was none of the reafons why he and his friends opposed it so much at the time it was concluded; and I fhall readily agree with him, that after the death of Lewis XIV. and the feizing of the regency by the duke of Orleans, which effectually divided France and DSpain, we had no bufinefs to oppofe Spain's recovering what the formerly poffeffed in both thofe countries; but then how will he answer for our defenfive alliance with the emperor in the year 1716, which was the original and true caufe of all the broils we have fince had with Spain? How will he answer for the quadruple alliance, and many other treaties and conventions negotiated by him and his friends fince that time; all of which had the uti poffidetis for their chief aim, and fome of which coft this nation infinite fums of money?

From the whole tenor of this addrefs, Sir, I am convinced, that it was originally the draught of our minifters: They call themselves the fervants of the crown; and I find their file of language to their fovereign is much the fame with that C which a menial and mercenary fervant would make use of to his master; but they fhould confider, that as members of this house they are not the fervants but the fubjects of the crown, and that as fuch they should talk to the king, not as flavish and fycophant Frenchmen, but as freeborn and fincere Englishmen; for I had rather that all France should look upon our addrefs as difrefpectful, than that any one Englishman fhould think it fervile and fawning. It is the opinion of our own country- E men only that we are to regard, and if I have any knowledge of the temper and manners of my countrymen, I must conclude, that every man in England who is not a fervant of the crown, will look upon this addrefs as inconfiftent with the dignity, and beneath the character of this auguft affembly.

F

For this reafon, Sir, if I had no other, I should be against our agreeing to the addrefs propofed; but I have many other reasons; for from all the knowledge I as yet have, IG muft difapprove of every foreign meafure mentioned or referred to therein. Let the prefent tranquillity of Europe be what it will, I think we have no bufinefs to trouble our

But, Sir, there is a very great difference between our not oppofing Spain's recovering her poffeffions in Italy and the Netherlands, and our yielding to her our own rights and poffeffions; yet this we have evidently done by the late treaty, according to all the accounts we have of it. Before the late treaty of Aix-laChapelle we had a right to ten or a

dozen

POLITICAL CLUB, &c. 495

A

1751. PROCEEDINGS of the
dozen years in the affiento contract
and annual ship, because of the in-
terruptions Spain had given to our
enjoying that contract: By that
treaty, which many people think
more infamous than the treaty of
Utrecht, we gave up all but four
years; and now by this laft treaty we
have given up that too, and alfo
our right to reparation for the many
depredations committed in time of
peace upon our South Sea company
and merchants, and all for the poor
confideration of 100,000l. And B
what is of much more confequence,
we have tacitly given up our right
to a free navigation in the American
feas; for fuppofe that a confirmation
of former treaties fhould in English
mean a confirmation of that right,
I am very fure, that in Spanish it will C
mean the very reverfe; and the mif-
fortune is, that the Spanish meaning
is molt confonant to reason and the
nature of things, Our right to a
free navigation is not founded on
treaty It is founded on the law of
nations; but the Spaniards fay, we D
have by treaty given up that right,
fo far as is neceffary for preventing
a contraband trade with their fettle-
ments; therefore a confirmation of
former treaties must be understood
to be a confirmation of the right they
have acquired by treaty, but can ne-
ver be understood as a confirmation
of our right which is not founded
upon any treaty.

E

For this reafon, Sir, we ought not, according to the advice of parliament, to have concluded any treaty with Spain, without an ex- F prefs acknowledgment of our right to a free navigation in the open feas of America; for it was not youthfulness that made me concur in that advice, and the older I grow, I am the more convinced that I was right; which perhaps may be owing to my being G ftill on the fame fide of the house I was on at that time. That there is no fuch acknowledgment in this late treaty I am well convinced, be

caufe, if there had, I am very fure, his majefty would not have neglected to have mentioned it in his fpeech from the throne; and as there is no fuch acknowledgment, inftead of congratulating his majesty, I muft condole with my country, on the conclufion of this treaty with the king of Spain. The Hon. gentleman fays, it is better to yield in feveral points, to Spain, than in any one to France. What occafion have we, Sir, to yield in any material point to either? If we once begin, there is no end of yielding. We must next yield up Gibraltar and PortMahon Then we muft yield up our fettlements upon the Mufqueto fhore in America, and our right to cut logwood in the bays of Honduras and Campechey: After that we muft yield up Jamaica and the Bahama iflands; and last of all, if there can be a laft in yielding, we muft yield up our provinces of Georgia and South-Carolina; for all these the Spaniards now claim a right to; and for what I know, they may then begin to lay claim to all our plantations in America. And all thefe conceffions we must make, Sir, for the fake of getting Spain to join with us in preferving the tranquillity of Germany, befides bribing the princes thereof not to cut the throats of one another.

Sir, we all know, that our money has always had great weight in Germany; but if we ever think of extricating this nation from the debts and taxes it groans under, we must conclude, that we have no more of that weight to beftow; and thefe fubfidy treaties, of which this with Bavaria is but the firft, will very probably furnish France with a pretence to interfere more openly in the affairs of Germany than fhe does at prefent. We may remember, that our calling for the Danish troops just then taken into our pay, and their marching towards Hanover, furnished France with a pretence for pouring

her

496 PROCEEDINGS of the POLITICAL CLUB, &c. Nov.

fign, not only out of refentment, but because I should from thence conclude, that an absolute government would render us more formidable to that nation, and more capable to defend ourselves against its attacks, than the government we now live under.

But, Sir, the untimely death of the emperor, or the establishment of defpotick power in Sweden, are not the

ber armies into Germany, which, if it had not been for a miraculous intervention of Providence, would have entirely ruined the house of Auftria. I shall not fay that France, after he had procured an alliance with Pruffia, would not otherwife A have sent her armies into Germany; but our beginning to bring foreign troops into that country, gave her a pretence, which impofed upon many of the princes of Germany, and pre-only events that may involve Europe vented their relenting this invafion in the calamities of war: The death of their country. We know that B of the king of Poland, an attack France is one of the guarantees from the Turks either upon Ruffia or of the treaty of Weftphalia, and Hungary, or even the difputes we confequently of the liberties and con- have with France, may have the ftitution of the German empire: fame effect. I could mention several Our thus giving fubfidies to the elec- others: It is impoffible to guard tors, may furnish her with a pretence, against them all; therefore the wifeft that we are going to opprefs the li-C courfe we can take, is to fave as berties of Germany, by means of much money as we can during the bribery and corruption; and that the tranquillity, let it be happy or no, is obliged to take upon her the dewhich we enjoy, in order to pay off fence of the liberties of the Germaas much as we can of the national nick body against such scandalous at. debt, that in cafe any new war tempts. fhould happen, we may, if neceffary, D engage in it with fresh credit; for to the joy of all ufurers it may be forefeen, that every future war we engage in, must be carried on upon credit, and not by the annual fupplies, because of thefe, without oppreffing the landed intereft, we have E hardly enough left to fupport our government in time of peace.

I am, therefore, of opinion, Sir, that with regard to the election of a king of the Romans, we ought to have left the German princes entirely to themselves: In common prudence we ought not to have openly intermeddled, especially by that of granting fubfidies; because it will render the election contefted, fhould we fucceed in our project; and as little do I think, that we ought to intermeddle in the domeftick affairs of Sweden. I hope his majefty no way concurred in that meffage or memorial lately fent by the Ruffian court to that of Sweden; for such a meffage I think fufficient to provoke the Swedes to throw themselves again under defpotick power, had they otherwife no inclination to do fo. If France should send a meffage to this court, threatning us with an attack, in cafe we should attempt to veft our fovereign with abfolute power, it would with me be a prevailing argument to co-operate in fuch a de

F

From what I have faid, Sir, gentlemen must fee, that, according to my way of thinking, I can neither make acknowledgments nor congratulations upon any of our late meafures; and I am fure, no man who recollects the declarations of France upon the death of the emperor Charles VI. can exprefs hopes, much less well-grounded hopes, from any declarations that court can make; and most of the courts of Europe G now begin to follow their example. Thus, Sir, you fee, that I can join in no part of what has been propofed to be left out, by the noble lord who spoke firft in this debate;

therefore,