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esy. It found in his speech much to admire; and ex- CHAPTE pressed great satisfaction that neither he nor Jefferson had been "tricked out of their election" by the "vile 1797. and detestable artifices" of Hamilton.

However well pleased the new president might be with these signs of relaxation on the part of the opposi tion, he was by no means inclined to separate himself from those who had supported Washington's administration, and to whom he was indebted for the successorship. Wolcott certainly, and probably also the other cabinet officers, had tendered their resignations; but Adams had declined to accept them, and the cabinet remained as Washington left it. At the same time, Adams was well disposed to avail himself of the aid of the leaders of the opposition in meeting the crisis with respect to France which was now evidently approach ing. Pinckney's despatches were still behind-hand, but rumors had arrived that the Directory had refused to receive him, and the president already entertained the idea of another and a more solemn mission. Indeed, the same thing was suggested to him the very morning after his inauguration by Ames and Tracy, acting on the part of Hamilton and his special friends. Adams had thought of employing Jefferson on this mission; but the doubts recurred which Washington had formerly entertained in Adams's own case, if, being vice-president, he could properly accept it. He waited on Jefferson, told him as much, and mentioned Madison as a proper envoy, to be joined by a colleague or two. As Madison had constantly refused all appointments under Washington's administration, Jefferson gave no encouragement that he would accept; indeed, it is stated that Madison posi tively refused. But, before this refusal, Adams had encountered such opposition from Wolcott, the only mem


CHAPTER ber of his cabinet whom he consulted as to this matter, as to induce him to draw back from the offer. Accord 1797. ing to Adams's account, given many years after, the person he had thought of as a colleague for Madison was Hamilton himself; according to Jefferson, he mentioned Gerry.

Dec. 13

This was the end, for the present at least, of all consultations between Adams and Jefferson as to public affairs. Pinckney's despatches arrived a few days after; and the very different views taken by the president and the vice-president as to the conduct of the French Directory, and the policy to be adopted, made any co-operation between them impossible.


It appeared from these despatches that, the next day Dec. 9. after Pinckney's arrival, he and Monroe had waited to

gether on De la Croix, the French minister of Foreign Affairs, agreeably to an intimation previously given to Monroe, and had delivered Pinckney his letters of credence, and Monroe his letters of recall. The minister received them with great stiffness; but, relaxing a little, promised to lay these documents before the Direct ɔry, and to send Pinckney and his secretary "letters of hospitality," without which no stranger could remain at Paris. Pinckney's letter of credence declared him to be sent "to maintain that good understanding which, from the commencement of the alliance, had subsisted between the two nations, and to efface unfounded impressions, banish suspicions, and restore that cordiality which was at once the evidence and pledge of a friendly union."

Three days after, De la Croix, without taking any further notice of Pinckney, sent to Monroe a written notification that the Directory would not receive another minister from the United States till after that redress of grievances which they had a right to expect. Yet not



withstanding this break with the American government CHAPTER there might still subsist between the French republic and the American "people" "the affection founded upon. 1796. former benefits and reciprocal interests-an affection," so the note concluded, "which you yourself have taken a pleasure in cultivating by every means in your power."

The next morning Pinckney wrote to De la Croix, Dec. 13. to know if it were the wish of the Directory that he should quit the territories of the republic immediately, or whether he might remain till he heard from America. At the same time he expressed his regret at the determination of the Directory-for the knowledge of which, as he had received notice of it himself, he acknowledged his indebtedness to the politeness of Mr. Monroe, who had not even been asked to make the communication. To Pinckney's private secretary, by whose hand this note was sent, De la Croix stated that, since the recall of Monroe, the Directory knew no American minister. As to Pinckney's going or staying, he would obtain orders from the Directory, and then send an answer. A Den secretary of De la Croix's informed Pinckney, two or three days after, that, as the Directory did not intend to acknowledge him as minister, and did not mean to give him leave to stay, he would fall under the general law forbidding strangers to reside at Paris without special permission; but upon Pinckney's suggesting that his baggage had not yet arrived from Bordeaux, and desiring to be informed whether he might wait for it, the secretary promised that the Directory should be consultcd The answer he said would probably be given through the minister of police. But to this Pinckney decidedly objected. He insisted upon his diplomatic character made known to the French government by his letters of credence delivered to and received by their Secretary


CHAPTER of State; and that though ordered to quit the French territories, he was still entitled to a passport and let1796. ters of safe conduct, granted to ministers even in case of war, and to which his claim was so much the stronger as the two nations were still at peace. Here the matter rested for some time, the French government waiting probably to hear the result of the presidential election Dec. 26 When Pinckney sent his secretary again to De la Croix, he disavowed the promise made by his messenger to consult the Directory; expressed great surprise that Pinckney was not satisfied; and intimated that, if he did not depart soon, the minister of police would be in formed of the fact. He declined however to give any order in writing for Pinckney's departure, who resolved to remain till his passports were sent, or some other unequivocal step were taken.

While Pinckney was thus treated with studied neglect and insult, the facile Monroe was made to figure in a new scene an epilogue fitly corresponding to the prologue of his fraternal reception. His recall had wiped away all the temporary suspicions against him, and had satisfied the Directory that he really was, what he had ever professed to be, enthusiastically devoted to France. It was hardly, however, as a personal compliment to Monroe that the present scene was got up, but rather as a direct insult to the American government and their new minister, and as a signal thrown out to the French vec. 30 party in the United States. Honored with a formal reception by the Directory to present his letters of recall and to take his leave, Monroe struck an agreeable note by warmly acknowledging "the important services rendered by France to America." He congratulated the republic on her victories, and on "the dawn of pros perity under the auspices of a wise and excellent Con




stitution;" expressing his earnest wishes for that "close CHAPTER union and perfect harmony" between France and America, the promotion of which had been his sole object in accepting the mission, and, since his acceptance of it, the object of his "utmost exertions."


Monroe had been so unfortunate as to have fallen un. der the displeasure of Washington, from whom he had derived his appointment; but for this he found compensation in the approval and applause of Barras, president of the Directory. "Mr Minister Plenipotentiary of the United States of America"-such was the reply of Barras-"in presenting this day to the Executive Directory your letter of recall, you offer a very strange spectacle to Europe. Rich in her freedom, surrounded by the train of her victories, strong in the esteem of her allies, France will not stoop to calculate the consequences of the condescension of the American government to the wishes of its ancient tyrants. The French republic expects, however, that the successors of Columbus, Raleigh, and Penn, always proud of their liberty, will never forget that they owe it to France. They will weigh in their wisdom the magnanimous friendship of the French people with the crafty caresses of perfidious men, who meditate to bring them again under their former yoke. Assure the good people of America, Mr. Minister, that, like them, we admire liberty; that they will always possess our esteem, and find in the French people that republican generosity which knows how to grant peace as well as how to cause its sovereignty to be respected. As for you, Mr. Minister Plenipotentiary, you have ever battled for principles; you have known the true interest of your country. Depart with our regret We restore in you a representative to America; we preserve the

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