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others distinguished as statesmen, publicists, economists, and philanthropists, whose aim is to favor the progress of international law in its practical application and in public opinion;
"1st. That in their view it is conformable to the aim and interest of the two associations, preserving always to each the plenitude of its independence, to aid each other.
"2d. That by its nature and its composition the Institute of International Law seems to fulfil the conditions necessary to enable it to work as a senate of jurists, eminently fit for the preparatory labor indispensable to the reception and promulgation of a code of international law, and that it should be assisted in the accomplishment of this task.
"3d. That, on its part, the Conference reserves for itself an examination in all points of view, particularly those which are political, economical, and social, of the results of the labors of the Institute, and, avoiding as much as possible double work in the two associations upon the same subject, will devote itself to the task which it may judge necessary, and will exert itself, either by an examination of the labors of the Institute, or while waiting for that examination, in such manner as may appear to it most favorable to the development of pacific relations between the nations, and the progress of international civilization."
I have thus given you, gentlemen, a faithful report of what we did at Brussels. I said that I would make no comment. But I remember that you have a French proverb which says, "It is the first step only that costs." This first step has been taken. We ask, Will you help us to take other steps in that forward march, to which we invite all the practical and generous spirits of the world ?
Address of Mr. Field at a banquet in Rome, given November 27, 1873, to Mr. Henry Richard, a member of the British Parliament, who had distinguished himself in the House of Commons, by the passage of a resolution in favor of arbitration for the settlement of international disputes.
DISCORSO AL BANCHETTO IN ROMA
DEL 27 NOVEMBRE 1873.
SIGNORI MINISTRI, SIGNORI DEPUTATI, SENATORI ED ILLUSTRI CONVITATI: Invece di parlare nel mio patrio linguaggio, o nello idioma francese, che da lungo tempo è l'istrumento delle relazioni tra tutte le genti, io preferisco per mia regola di viaggio la lingua del paese, ove io mi trovo. Ciò mi sembra richiesto dalla buona cortesia. Ma più specialmente voglio così fare, ora che parlo in Italia ad italiani.
Voi certamente mi perdonerete gli errori, che potrò commettere, perchè non ho la pretensione di parlar bene il vostro linguaggio.
Dirò brevi parole di congratulazione e di simpatia per questa nazione, ch'è ad un tempo la più antica e la più giovane delle nazioni.
Noi americani pensiamo che abbiamo qualche specie di diritto a parlare agl'italiani, perchè consideriamo che fu un vostro italiano, che scropì il nostro continente, ed un altro italiano che gl'impose il nome di America.
Il primo, grande scopritore e navigatore, ha rivelato il continente di là dall' Oceano agli occhi dell' Europa maravigliata. L'altro gli ha dato il battesimo. Questa è una delle grandi ragioni della simpatia, che esiste sempre in America per l' Italia, e che si manifestò appena il vostro paese fece un passo avanti sopra il cammino della libertà.
Venticinqu'anni or sono, quando a noi giunse in America la notizia delle riforme quì in Roma proclamate, vi fu a Nuova Yorck, mia patria, un gran meeting di congratulazione, in cui io proposi le risoluzioni, tra le quali ve n'era una, che diceva: Che
noi aspettavamo il tempo, in cui l'Italia sarebbe stata libera dalla Calabria alle Alpi.
Da quell'anno vi sono stati in questa contrada grandi avvenimenti, ora favorevoli, ed ora contrarî. Ma adesso dopo lunghi anni, quanti fanno una generazione, il sogno, che io feci, è divenuta la realtà del presente.
Io vedo l' Italia come un gigante che si sveglia, ristorato dopo un sonno di mille anni, e che guarda intorno le Alpi e i due mari e riprende di nuovo il suo cammino di libertà e di gloria. Noi la salutiamo come la benvenuta al consorzio delle grandi nazioni con entusiastico applauso.
Noi speriamo e crediamo che essa difenderà la sua indipendenza, la sua unità, la sua libertà ben ordinata sino a quando i monti di Albano guarderanno il Tevere ed il raggio del sole scenderà sopra i templi e i monumenti di Roma!
MINISTERS, SENATORS, DEPUTIES, AND GENTLEMEN: Instead of speaking in my own tongue, or in French, the language so long employed for international intercourse, I prefer, when I am traveling, to use the language of the country where I happen to be. This appears to me a rule of courtesy. But especially do I wish to use Italian, so far as I am able, when I speak in Italy to Italians. And you will overlook my mistakes, I am sure, as I do not pretend to speak your language well.
I desire to speak a few words of congratulation and sympathy for this nation, which is at once the oldest and the youngest of the nations. We Americans think that we have a kind of right to address ourselves to Italians, because we remember that it was an Italian who discovered our continent, and another Italian who gave it the name of America. The first great discoverer and navigator, as he was, revealed the land from out the sea to the eyes of wondering Europe. The other performed its baptism. These are reasons for sympathy which ever exist in America for Italy, sympathy which made itself manifest the moment your country began anew its advance in the ways of freedom. Twenty-five years ago, when news came to America of reforms proclaimed in Rome, we held in New York a great meeting of congratulation, where I proposed resolutions, and among them one
which declared that we looked forward to the time when Italy should be free, from Calabria to the Alps.
Since then great events have happened, some favorable and some unfavorable. But now after long years-a generation, indeed-my dream has become a reality.
I see Italy as a giant newly awakened and refreshed from its sleep of a thousand years, guarding all that lies between the Alps and the two inclosing seas, and beginning anew the march of liberty and of glory.
We welcome, with enthusiastic applause, the entrance of Italy into the community of great nations. And we hope and believe that she will defend her independence, her unity, and her wellordered liberty, so long as the mountains of Albano look upon the Tiber, and the rays of the sun fall upon the temples and monuments of Rome.
SPEECHES IN CONGRESS AND BEFORE THE
Mr. Field was elected a member of Congress on the 2d day of January, 1877, and took his seat on the 11th, to fill the unexpired term of Mr. Smith Ely, Jr., who had been chosen Mayor of New York. The subject then uppermost in the minds of Congress and of the people was the disputed election of President. Though Mr. Field had voted for Mr. Hayes, he was convinced that Mr. Tilden had been elected, and should be so declared, and his efforts were directed to that end from the time of the election to the scating of Mr. Hayes. When Mr. Field arrived in Washington he found that a joint committee of the two Houses had been appointed to devise means for a peaceful solution of the problem, the idea occasionally entertained of a separate count by the House of the votes for President, and by the Senate of the votes for Vice-President, having been practically abandoned. The only course then remaining was to agree upon the means of arriving at a count and declaration of the votes in joint session. The Electoral Commission appeared to him to be the best means, and he joined earnestly in promoting it. He was disappointed, however, in the selection of the Commissioners, and in the decisions of the Commission, and manifested his disappointment and disapprobation in the subsequent proceedings.
He endeavored, moreover, to secure the passage of a bill for the designation of an officer to act as President, in certain unprovided-for contingencies, between the happening of a vacancy and the choice of a new President, and of another bill to provide a remedy against wrongful intrusion into office of President or Vice-President. The disagreement between the Houses on the army appropriation bill became also a subject of warm discussion, and he made a speech on that. He made, in fact, six speeches in the House, and one before the Commission. Five of the seven are here reprinted.
The Electoral Commission act established a temporary commission consisting of fifteen members, being five justices of the Supreme Court of the United States, and five members of each House of Congress. In case of more than one return of electoral votes from a State, and an objection made to any of them, the papers were to be submitted to the Commission, which was to decide, by a majority of its members, "whether any and what votes from such State are the votes provided for by the Constitution of the United States, and how many and what persons were duly appointed electors." The counting of the votes was then to proceed in conformity with this decision, unless upon objection taken the two Houses should "separately concur in ordering otherwise, in which case such concurrent order shall [should] govern." The Commission was thus made "a provisional tribunal, raised to examine the returns in the first instance," as Mr. Conkling called it in a joint meeting of the two Houses.
The count began on Thursday, the first of February, in the presence of both