SATURDAY, MAY 17, 1884.

No. 628, New Series.

THE EDITOR cannot undertake to return, or

to correspond with the writers of, rejected manuscript.

It is particularly requested that all business letters regarding the supply of the paper, &c., may be addressed to the PUBLISHER, and not to the EDITOR.

LITERATURE,

The Historical Charters and Constitutional
Documents of the City of London. With an
Introduction and Notes, by an Antiquary.
(Whiting.)

that the first mayors were the heads of a
democratic Commune, founded on the French
model after the civic revolution which ended
in the banishment of Longchamp. The
establishment of this hated and much-feared
institution was due to the fierceness of the
Londoners and the apathy of Richard I., who
had boasted that he would sell London itself
if he could only find a purchaser. His charter
is lost; but it was most probably dated in
1191, twenty-four years before King John
granted to "the barons of London" that
they might choose to themselves every
year a mayor faithful and discreet, and fit
for the government of the City.

કર

The men of London, though still unincorMiddlesex from the time of Henry I. The porated, had been entitled to the shrievalty of same office in London itself was granted to them at some ancient date, which cannot now be ascertained; and the sheriffs of London and Middlesex have ever since been deputies to perform the duties of the offices vested in the citizens. It will probably be necessary to make fresh provisions for these dignitaries, now that they are to cease to act as "the Lord Mayor's eyes;" and, when Middlesex for the first time gains a high-sheriff, it may be well to exalt the title of the elected sheriff of the new county of London.

The gratitude of the Londoners is due to
Richard I. for giving them the Conservancy
of the Thames from near the bridge at Staines
to Gantlet Creek in the Medway. "Know
ye all," says the King,

"that we for the health of our soul and for the
health of our father's soul and those of all our
ancestors, and also for the common weal of our
City of London and of all our realm, have
granted and steadfastly commanded that all
wears in the Thames be removed, wheresoever
they shall be within the Thames.”
Northouck maintained that the jurisdiction
of the Corporation over obstructions and
nuisances included "the whole river, from
its junction with the sea so far westward as
it is known by the name of Thames; " but in
the course of many contests the limits of the
Conservancy have been fixed as explained
above. His editor refers the reader to
Northouck's work "for an interesting note on
the subject of the soil under the river, and
its possession by the Corporation of London,
made by Lord Burleigh:" and this docu-
ment may throw some light on the vexed
question as to the rights of the Crown and
the privileges of the public in the King's
High Street of the Thames."

A NEW work on the Charters of London is
sure of an attentive audience in a session
which has seen the introduction of the London
Government Bill. The labours of the
"Antiquary" will serve at least to fortify
the defence of the devoted band who have
vowed to fight the Home Secretary word by
word and line and line; and even the
triumphant reformers may be glad to learn
what hoary franchises they are destroying and
what privileges are to be retained by virtue
of the dangerous vagueness of a sweeping
Saving Clause. There have been several
works upon the subject since the Royal
Charters were first translated and published
by J. E." in 1745. A collection of these
"J.
documents was printed by John Northouck in
his New History of London (1773), which
was followed twenty years afterwards by
Luffman's Charters of London, hitherto con-
sidered the best authority on the matter.
The present edition is based on Northouck's
work, now very difficult to obtain; but
the editor has taken pains to elucidate the
texts by collating such early copies as are
preserved in the British Museum and such
of the original documents as are open for
inspection at the Guildhall.
The fault of
all these collections is that they are very
incomplete (probably from no fault of the
authors'), and that the reader is too often put
off with a reprint of an Act of Parliament when
he would like to be informed of the origin of
the Lord Mayor's office, and the extent of the
legislative power vested in the Corporation.
The matter of real importance is to under-
stand the nature of the changes which trans-
formed the City government from a territorial
aristocracy to the fierce democracy of the
"immensa communitas," and from that again The Charters of Edward III. are interesting
to an oligarchy, gradually changing into a as containing the grant of the village of
well-balanced constitutional government, soon Southwark, a noted haunt of felons and
to be extended over an area as large as a thieves, whose wickedness required to be
province and populous as an ordinary kingdom. bridled, and as commencing that prohibition
There are many interesting points in the of holding fresh markets within seven miles
history of London during the reigns of the of the City which was the foundation of one
Norman kings; but for the present we will of the most valued privileges of the Corpora-
leave "Godfrey the Portreeve" to Dr. Pring tion. By another charter it was declared
and the other learned authorities who are that the aldermen were removeable by the
endeavouring to trace out the possibly Roman Corporation," and that every alderman should
origin of the "port
" and the "portsoken" utterly and precisely cease from his office in
and the "port-rents," which seem to have every year at the Feast of St. Gregory the
some intimate connexion with the gates and Pope, and should not be chosen again.' It
suburbs of the City.
The Lord Mayor's was long before the Commons would consent
functions must be referred to another source. to the aldermen having a freehold in their
Notwithstanding certain ambiguous entries offices; and the record of the perpetual strife
in the City records, there can be little doubt must seem strange to those whose minds are

now disturbed at the attempt to extinguish this ancient magistracy.

The Inspeximus Charter of 1383 is omitted from this collection, with the exception of an unimportant clause in restraint of foreign merchants. It is a document, however, which will require careful consideration with reference to the new proposals of the Government. It is, in fact, the parliamentary confirmation of the legislative power given to the City by a charter of May 26, 1341, which is also omitted from the work before us. The clause dealing with legislation by Act of Common Council is to the following effect::

"We

have granted to the Mayor and Aldermen held and used shall be in any part difficult or that if any customs in the said City hitherto defective, or any matters in the same City newly arising shall need amendment for which a remedy was not before ordained, the same Mayor and Aldermen, and their heirs and successors, with the assent of the Commonalty of often as, and when, to them it shall seem exthe same City, may appoint and ordain, so pedient, a suitable remedy, consonant with good faith and reason, for the common profit of the citizens of the said City and other our liege people resorting thereto; provided, however, that such ordinance shall be profitable to us and our people, and consonant with good faith and reason as aforesaid."

The reign of Edward IV., who was himself, above all things, a merchant, was marked by the grant of numerous privileges, by which the old Corporation has laid up some store of wealth for the enjoyment of the new statutory citizens. "Sic vos non vobis mellificatis, apes!" The City acquired from this King the offices of packing merchandise, garbling of spices, gauging and landing of wines, and other monopolies, which were supplemented under the Stuarts by the still more valuable rights under which the Metage Dues are levied in the port of London.

It may be worth noticing that James I. did not think it necessary to obtain the sanction of Parliament when he extended the boundaries of the City over Blackfriars and Whitefriars and the liberty of Cold Harbour, or "the inn of Cold Herberge; the inhabitants of the included districts were exempted from certain rates and taxes, but became eligible, like other freemen, for the offices of the City and wards.

There is no space left to deal with the subject of the London suburbs. In a wilderness of bricks and mortar it is pleasant to think of the tall elms of Smithfield and the village games at Clerkenwell, of the Moorfields granted on condition that they should lie open for public use. And it seems strange, nowadays, to read of the riot when encroachments were made on the commons near Shoreditch and Ratcliffe Highway, "and a turner in a fool's coat came crying through the City, Shovels and spades! shovels and spades!' and so many of the people followed that it was a wonder to behold, and within a short space all the hedges about the City were cast down, such was the diligence of those workmen."

One would like, too, to hear more of the ordinances by which the schools of the much decayed University of the Law were removed from the bustling streets and set down in a quiet neighbourhood near the Temple and

There is no forgetting Whitelocke's ignominious defeat; had it not happened, England would now have been sole mistress of the whole South-temperates. As it is, her place in Argentine-land is taken by the Italian, who makes money and returns home, and by the Basque, who marries and settles, and is gradually reproducing the classic "Celtiberian." Yet one has a conviction that, somehow or other, Madam Britannia will not drop her old design.

Capt. Watson is a more interesting figure

than his book. The "Statement of Services"

in the Foreign Office List shows that after leaving the Bombay Army he has been employed diplomatically between Constantinople and Jedo, Copenhagen and Patagonia; and that he served some five years (1865-69) on the continent of which he treats. He was first known as a Persian scholar, and his "History" (London: Smith & Elder, 1866) was most useful to students. His next venture was Murray's Handbook of Greece, which has run through sundry editions; and that his energies are not exhausted we see by his latest journey, in February, to Paraguay, as Commissioner of the Council of Foreign Bondholders, to settle a debt which should never have been incurred. He is expected home in July, and it is believed that he will offer himself as M.P. during the coming

elections.

The book is a compendium of South American history during about three centuries. It fills up a gap and abstracts the contents of a host of folios and quartos, unfortunately neglecting Herrera, Ercilla, and Piedrohita. Reviewers and readers complain that it is dull; but how can it be otherwise? South American annals, after the brilliant and romantic period of the "Conquistadores," are as heavy and uninteresting as those of Dalmatia and Croatia-I can say no more. But is not Capt. Watson unduly severe to these explorer-conquerors? (i. 6668). Has he wholly forgotten what were the early English in India, tetrae belluae ac Molossis suis ferociores? Did not the destruction of native life in "Van Diemen's Land" rival that of Hayti? And does not the Australian aborigine still disappear at an appalling rate -corrosive sublimate being one of the causes? The truth is that all nations live in glasshouses, and are very foolish to stone one

another.

I cannot part from these volumes without a line concerning their publisher the lamented Nicholas Trübner. We first became acquainted in 1852 when he was studying "bibliopolism" at Messrs. Longmans'; and he ever proved himself an active and cordial friend. His career is not a little instructive, showing how the German "eats up" the Britisher on the latter's own ground. With his wider views he soon distanced the

sleepy old firms of "printers and publishers" which, in 1860, still dreamed that they were in A.D. 1800; his London house at once became a "focus of American and Oriental literature," and his agencies ramified over either hemisphere. He has left many friends to deplore his death. S.T.T.L.!

RICHARD F. BURTON.

The Philosophy of Theism. By the late
William George Ward. (Kegan Paul,
Trench, & Co.)

THE ancient Mexicans, when a brave enemy
fell into their hands, had a strange way of
showing their respect. They tied him by the
leg to the sacrificial stone, and told off a
number of their best men to engage him in
succession: if he disabled them all, he was
free; if he succumbed, he was thrown down
and his heart torn out. Dr. Ward defending
free-will against Mr. Mill, Dr. Bain, and Mr.
Shadworth Hodgson somehow recalls such a
champion; he does not advance, he is pre-
cluded from shifting his ground, and he gives
a very good account of every enemy who
comes within reach. It is the same with the
great truth that all trilaterals are triangular,
which, like other mathematical axioms, Mr.
Mill fondly believed to be learnt by repeated
observation, while, as no observations even
seemed to tell upon the other side, the prin-
ciple of association invested them with an
apparent character of necessity. As against
this it is quite unanswerable that whoever
hears the statement for the first time receives
it at once as new and self-evident. But it is
doubtful whether the certainty proves any-
thing against the "phenomenist" school of
philosophy. Catholic philosophers, Dr. Ward
tells us, call such judgments as all trilaterals
are triangular, two straight lines cannot en-
close a space, two and nine are equal to three
and eight, "analytical;" and the name really
seems to be happy. If one has the notion of
a given geometrical figure, one may analyse it
and affirm its correlative properties, beginning
with which we please; if one has the notion
of a straight line, one may affirm that any two
which intersect must go on diverging; if one
has the notion of eleven,* one may analyse it
into the equivalent notions of three and eight,
and two and nine; but these three fundamental
notions of a straight line, of a figure, and of
eleven may all be due to experience, and to
nothing else. If so, a quadrangular trilateral
is a notion no better and no worse than our old
friend the sideroxylon. And this suggests a
further question-in what sense is mathe-
matical truth more necessary than other truth?
Perhaps it is nearly enough that it deals with
very clear and simple notions which may be
perfectly formed, so far as we know, from
either of two senses; one might look at a bit
of wood for ever without knowing that it
would float in water, at a bit of iron without
knowing it would sink; and our notions of iron
and wood are generally formed before the
experiment. No one who has an adequate
scientific notion of wood, water, and iron can
doubt the truth any more than one with a
competent knowledge of anatomy can imagine
a centaur if he recollects that there would
have to be something inside.

Nor is the polemic about the veracity of
memory and the uniformity of nature much
more fruitful. Dr. Ward's argument is-Our
faculties affirm the veracity of memory and
the uniformity of nature; it is impossible to
stir a step without assuming them; if
assume them on the affirmation of our facul-
ties, you are bound to assume anything else

you

Or nine may be analysed into eight and one, three into two and one; "two and one and eight equal two and one and eight" is a self-evident, because an identical proposition.

that our faculties, "duly interrogated," affirm. As to the veracity of memory, it is to be wished that Dr. Ward had examined the matter in the light of his own essay on explicit and implicit thought. We do not judge, intuitively, that memory is trustworthy, and then proceed to trust it. We trust it a long time before it occurs to notice that we do so. We notice that we do trust our memory of recent experience implicitly, and not (as Dr. Ward observes himself) our unconfirmed memory of remote experience; it seems that our certainty about recent experience is a sort of continuation of our certainty about present experience, all the more because nothing varies more than the extent of this certainty in different persons, except, perhaps, the owner's right to it. Lord Campbell did not trust his memory more than Lord Macaulay, but it played him more tricks. Again, an absent-minded man or an old man has not a trustworthy memory for even very recent events. Why is that, if the trustworthiness of memory in general is, or may be, known by intuition? As soon as we begin to test our impressions by physiology, especially the physiology of attention, we know where to look for an answer, though it may be long before physiology is advanced enough to give one.

Again, if the uniformity of nature be known by intuition, how is it that the knowledge is confined to special classes even in England to-day? An accomplished man of science knows the uniformity of nature in just the same way as a devout experienced theist knows the faithfulness of God. Ingenuity like Dr. Ward's is equal to suggesting the same possibilities that the confidence of either is vain. Whatever it is worth, the confidence of both comes by experience, and grows by it. And yet, no doubt, all experience, scientific or religious, in a way presupposes the principle which is learnt by it. How would it be possible to observe or endeavour or pray if one believed in a reign of pure caprice? On the other hand, it might be expected that those who actually live under a stable and abiding order would be influenced by it in their conduct and their expectations long before they attain any conscious apprehension of it as a whole.

Then if it were quite certain that we assume the uniformity of nature and the veracity of memory prior to experience, and that we distinctly understand our assumption, it does not follow that, because these two assumptions are legitimate and indispensable, all assumptions to which our minds are equally prone are legitimate too; for, in whatever sense these two assumptions are prior to experience, it is clear that they are confirmed by it. Nor, again, does it follow, if all the assumptions were legitimate which Dr. Ward thinks so, that any considerable part of our knowledge would consist of deductions like those of geometry from the analysis and combination of fundamental notions; for it is obviously necessary that notions which are to be so treated should be clear, and even, in some sense, adequate, while the fundamental notions of theology and philosophy are obscure It is therefore perfectly and mysterious.*

Dr. Ward observes that the "simplicity of God," which he takes to be known by reason, is to the full as "mysterious" as the Trinity, which is only known by revelation.

realise an ideal-to be what they admire, not
necessarily that they may admire themselves.
Again, as "conscience" becomes enlightened
there is a strong tendency to resolve all duty
into duty to one's neighbours; "intuitions"
about a God who needs nothing and yet
requires something beside the service of
creatures that need much are becoming in-
creasingly questionable. If the argument
from conscience were clearer than it is it
would certainly fail to make the truth of
theism certain to all serious and decent people.
The same experience which suggests such an
impressive theory to a Butler or a Newman is
expressed by a Zulu in terms of Ugovana (the
bad man in us with a loud, blustering voice)
and Unanbeza (the good man in us with a
little, tiny voice).

66

possible that they only yield "implicit"
knowledge imprisoned, if so be, or enshrined
in "a form of sound words," while the great
growing body of "explicit" knowledge might
consist of observations of, and inferences
from, phenomena which would admit both of
precise statement and indefinite extension,
though both might always, in strict theory,
remain subject to a priori certainties.
Such a theory of knowledge would leave
room for an historical revelation, but not
for such a system as scholastic theology;
and it was a vestibule for the temple
of scholastic theology which Dr. Ward
was labouring up to his death to build.
The scheme seems to have consisted of the
following parts-a demonstration that neces-
sary truth exists (this was substantially com-
pleted); that it rests upon the eternal nature Upon the question of free-will, Dr. Ward
of God (this was not touched); that the certainly threw fresh light. He illustrated
Being of God is proved chiefly by the principle and re-illustrated with inexhaustible pre-
of causation (here we get as good a criticism cision and variety the important and un-
of Mr. Mill's version of Hume's theory as is deniable thesis that men actually try to do
possible without employing the doctrine of one thing when, upon the whole, they really
energy *); and by the "categorical impera- are inclined to do another; and proved that a
tive," as a preliminary to which we have a man's inclination is much more easily calcu-
dissertation on free-will, which, with re-lated than his action with the same knowledge.
joinders and surrejoinders, occupies quite half

the book.

Dr. Ward, as we learn from the Preface, did not think very much of the "argument from design," because, standing alone, it did not prove a Being whose attributes are infinite. In fact, his view of the effect of the argument in the present state of our knowledge is curiously like Mr. Mill's: "The number of things intrinsically impossible, or, to use Juarez' phrase, 'extra objectum omnipotentiae,' might well, he thought, be far larger than is apparent to our limited intelligence and knowledge.' It would have been interesting to know how this opinion was combined with the assertion that our intelligence and knowledge are adequate to establish a creation ex nihilo a finite number of ages ago.

There is little strictly original in the treatment of the two chief arguments upon which Dr. Ward relies, though one is obliged to him for pointing out that three such different thinkers as Card. Newman, Card. Franzelin, and himself were disposed "to consider the argument from the categorical imperative' as the palmary" argument. It is certainly easier for a theist than for an atheist to explain the phenomena of "conscience," but it is a long way from this to Dr. Ward's "intuition" about disobedience to a holy Creator. Most people sometimes have a sense of keeping a command when they do right and of breaking a command when they do wrong, and this may well be due to an obscure feeling of the fact that they live under an order established by a Personal Will; but it is to be remembered that we all learn to behave by being bidden and forbidden, and that many of the best people now (like most of the best people among the Greeks and Romans) seem to think more of virtue than of duty; their motive is not to fulfil a law, but to

When he had done this he thought he had
established free-will, the rather that he
believed that in nine cases out of ten all
people, except the best theists, do act upon
inclination, and held that in acting from
habit we act upon the balance of pleasure and
pain. He did not investigate the question
whether habits have not sometimes more
affinity with effort than with inclination, and,
if so, whether efforts may not be calculable
to adequate finite knowledge as the effects of
habit would be. Again, though the dis-
tinction between "congenial" and "anti-
impulsive effort" (as shown, say, by a brave
soldier exerting himself in battle, and re-
fraining himself under insult) is certainly
important, Dr. Ward exaggerated it, for it
is plain that a call for effort which is bracing
to one is paralysing to another. To a
barbarian of a high type it is a congenial
effort to fight at close quarters till he drops;
a barbarian of a low type comes to the end of
his power of congenial effort in brandishing
his weapons at a distance. Yet this barbarian
might, by exerting himself, rise, or, at any
rate, raise his descendants, to the higher type.
One looks for light, on topics like this, to an
essay on the "Extent of Free-will," but one
looks in vain; it is occupied with a discussion
of whether conscious deliberation is necessary to
free-will. This question is decided in the nega-
tive, among other reasons because the two most
meritorious of created beings never deliberated,
though their action being meritorious was
free. Yet, elsewhere, we are told that, though
free, it was absolutely certain beforehand
what they would do, as they were not in a
state of probation; and so we are led to ask
to what end could a loving Creator ordain
a state of probation, since the most perfect
merit is possible without. Another, perhaps
a more legitimate, question is, whether Mr.
Shadworth Hodgson was not consistent in
asserting both determinism and freedom, or,
portion as the conscience is tender and enlight-
Remorse in pro-
ened (unless there has been something special
in the training) fastens before all things upon
"inbred sin;" the permanent evil tendency

Why is the sun the cause of day? Because
his energy warms and illuminates the hemisphere at least, responsibility.
exposed. Why is night not the cause of day?
Because the energy spent in warming and lighting
warmed and lighted, when its turn comes, by fresh

Pekin is not transferred to Lisbon, but Lisbon is

energy from the sun.

a

which he cannot help torments the devotee increasingly the fewer acts which he can help are left to torment himself about; it is the more tormenting precisely because he cannot help it, because it is a part of him inseparable from his very self, which evil acts are not; so these, though he could help them, he soon learns to commit to the mercy of the Merciful. Another way of expressing the same facts is that, when a man contemplates himself in himself, he is horrified at his own evil; when he looks at himself objectively as a term in a series without visible beginning or end, he pardons everything. So, according to Philo, the Logos makes atonement for all creaturely shortcomings by transfiguring them, by presenting them in a general view.

The essay on "Science, Prayer, Free-will, and Miracles" is full of most ingenious speculations, generally hard to reconcile with what one supposes to be orthodox doctrine about the divine simplicity and eternity. It is impossible not to regret that Dr. Ward is no longer here to carry on the discussion of the questions he has raised. G. A. SIMCOX.

The Court of the Tuileries from the Restoration to the Flight of Louis-Philippe. By Catherine Charlotte, Lady Jackson. In 2 vols. (Bentley.)

Ir is very difficult to estimate the exact value of this book. To historians or historical students it is, of course, of no use whatever for the author lays no claim to the investi gation of original authorities. To readers of French letters and memoirs of the period of the Restoration it will appear stale, because she has only betaken herself to ordinary materials, and has made no attempt to arrange her information. To seekers after anecdotes and bon mots it will be of little value, because it has no index; and to lovers of good literature it will be repugnant from the looseness of its style. Yet, in spite of its lack of historical knowledge, its staleness, its bad arrangement, and bad style, the book deserves to be read, because it is amusing. It is a very pot pourri of historical jokes and good stories, and is never for a moment dull. And, further, despite innumerable mistakes in detail, it contains a real picture of the years of the Restoration from 1815 to 1830, when France discontentedly acquiesced in the rule of Louis XVIII. l'Inévitable and Charles X. l'Etourdi. The serene complacency and selfsatisfaction of Louis XVIII., the obstinacy and bigotry of Charles X., the severe and revengeful austerity of the daughter of MarieAntoinette, and the wild gaiety of the Duchesse de Berry are admirably shown rather by anecdotes than in the author's own words. Nor are the minor characters less lifelike; Benjamin Constant, Mdme. Récamier, Talleyrand, and Chateaubriand, whom Lady Jackson persists in styling the Chevalier de Chateaubriand throughout her first volume, are all painted to the life.

But, after giving this unstinted praise to Lady Jackson's powers of entertaining, it is weak, both from an historical and a literary necessary to point out that her book is as point of view, as it is amusing. To begin with, the very title is misleading, for, while Lady Jackson devotes forty-five chapters to

Philippe is quite as worthy of minute inves-"El Solitario" su tiempo: Biografía de

Don Serafín Estebanez Calderón, y crítica
de sus obras. Por Don A. Cánovas del

which was not either classical Spanish or taken from the lips of the people; and in handling this language there is no constraint.

It is no Saul's armour that he has arrayed

himself in.

tigation. There are not, indeed, so many If anyone wishes to become good stories to be picked up about it, but its importance is fully as great for the Castillo. In 2 vols. (Madrid: Dubrull.) acquainted with the marvellous flexibility and exuberance of the Spanish language in satire political and social history of France. No THIS work is the payment of a debt of grati- and in description, he cannot do better than mention is made of the King's Belgian tude from a nephew to a deceased uncle study the Artículos de Costumbres of "El schemes, and very little of the Spanish mar-"a debt," says the writer, "which, unsatis- Solitario." Yet it is this very exuberance of riages. There is no allusion whatever to fied, would have positively saddened the close epithet of the gamin of Malaga, joined with George Sand and the remarkable group which of my life. . . . He is the only person in the his classical purism, which perhaps hinders gathered round her, though page after page is world to whom I have owed assistance and his popularity. Even to a Spaniard we devoted to Mdme. Récamier. While the protection. All the rest I have obtained or suspect his works must be more difficult name of Chateaubriand occurs on nearly every conquered absolutely without owing it to any-reading than those of his rivals-Larra and page, that of Lamartine is entirely omitted. one, save only to myself." Mesonero Romanos. We have dealt chiefly The real title of the book should have been These words are the key to the whole book. with these essays, for in other styles the "The Court of the Tuileries under the Re- It will be read by posterity at least as much works of Estebanez (with the exception of storation." Even on this period there occur for the autobiography which it gives of the what may be called his official ones) scarcely extraordinary mistakes, and still more extra- Prime Minister of Spain as for the life of went beyond projects. His studies in Arabic ordinary omissions. Victor Duke of Belluno Estebanez Calderón. Uncle and nephew were were undertaken solely with a view to enteris termed Duke of Belluna; Mortier is men- both of Malaga, and one charm of the book ing more deeply into the romance of Moorish tioned as an old soldier of the army of Italy, consists in the intense local patriotism which Andalusian history. His fragments show that whereas he served in Germany alone; Cor- is so piquant and salient a trait in the char- he might have excelled in picturesque descripreggio and Carracci are mis-spelt Corregio and acter of many a Spaniard. In Estebanez this tion, but he totally lacked the powers of Canachi. Still more curious is the omission feature existed in the highest degree, and steady application and patient research necesof the scene which took place at the funeral was only surpassed by his still more intense sary for the historian. Of his political and of the Duc de la Rochefoucauld in 1827, love and veneration for Spain. A thorough- official life we do not speak. In spite of when the illiberal King refused to allow the going optimist as regards everything Spanish, flashes of fierce Andalusian energy, it must mourners to follow the hearse of the real his love was more ardent than wise, and it be pronounced a failure; but the comments introducer of vaccination into France, and singularly limited his intellectual horizon. of his biographer on it may constitute for the coffin was knocked off and trampled in It might almost be said that for him the posterity the most valuable portions of this the mud. And though the book does not world beyond the Pyrenees and the coasts of work. profess to be historical, surely some men- Morocco did not exist. In this respect the tion ought to have been made of Boissy opinions of uncle and nephew are in contrast. d'Anglas, of the administration in 1814 of the In literary matters the nephew looks up to Department of the Interior by the abbé de the uncle as to a master whose excellence he Montesquiou-Fézeusac, and of Napoleon's can never hope to approach. In practical attempt to rally the old Republican party and political matters, though dealing most round him in the Hundred Days, when he tenderly with the errors of the man he loved, nominated Carnot to the War Office. The he still lets it be seen how widely he differs use of authorities is also strange, for while from him-so widely that he can afford to the untrustworthy memoirs of the Duchesse smile at his mischievous exaggerations and d'Abrantes are frequently cited, the remark-political anachronisms with the gentleness able letters of Sismondi, written from Paris with which we deal with the physical eccenduring Napoleon's short reign in 1815, which tricities of an intimate friend. were recently published in the Revue historique, are left unquoted.

Señor Cánovas del Castillo believes that his relative has been unduly neglected by his The style also is deplorable. The author literary countrymen; that his works ought to leaps from the present to the past tense with be far more highly appreciated than they are; total disregard of grammar, and abounds in and that they should attain, at least among such paragraphs as "Already he meditates a the educated, a popularity hitherto lacked. new campaign," and "Ah! what grim folly! The purpose of the book is to justify this It makes one shudder!" A good specimen of belief. Is the justification a valid one? It the vicious style, which is made use of in an is evident that it is impossible for a foreigner attempt to be vigorous and graphic, is the to determine this; yet to shrink from giving description of Murat's Italian campaign :— an opinion (though with all diffidence, and "The superb King Joachim, in satin doublet, subject to correction) is to abandon the duty embroidered mantle, and flowing white plumes, of a critic. It seems to us that the future flourishing his riding whip or brandishing his fame of Estebanez Calderón will depend almost sword, is received with enthusiasm. He asks wholly upon his essays. He may, perhaps, be permission to pass through Rome. His regarded as the Charles Lamb of Spain; his Holiness refuses, and Joachim passes without verse, though pleasing, will never place him it. . . . Several battles, however, ensue. Joachim's courage and daring are unfailing; which he shows a spark of higher genius is high among the poets. The only instance in but with his ever decreasing army he is constantly beaten, and compelled to fight while retreating-for he is hotly pursued; but though recklessly risking his life and courting death as it were, as the bullets fly thickly around him, he yet remains wholly unharmed" (i. 234, 2:5).

Although this sort of thing is largely in-
dulged in, Lady Jackson can, nevertheless,
be commended for the point with which she
tells the numerous anecdotes that give her
book vitality.
H. MORSE STEPHENS.

in the satirical sonnet against Gallardo, the
thievish bibliophile. Compare this with
Milton's two against his literary detractors,
and the superiority of the Spaniard is, we
think, evident. In prose it is quite other-
wise. The individuality of Estebanez is felt
in every line; quotations from him light up
the pages of Cánovas with rare brilliance.
of no other writer can it be more truly said
that the style is the man. The severest of
literary Puritans, he would not suffer a word

with

Of the contemporaries of "El Solitario" we have some most delightful sketches. The greatest revelation is of course the almost unconscious one of the biographer himself. Portraits of Gens. Cordova, Narvaez, and Espartero (the object of especial dislike) are delineated here; while we have a side of the character of Usoz y Rio unmentioned by either Wiffen or by Boehmer. The details of the quarrel with Gallardo-like Estebanez, a Spaniard of the Spaniards-are most amusing. The correspondence and friendship Gayangos, who is characterised as almost an Englishman for steadiness of purpose, who was the fellow-student with Estebanez in Arabic, and both his rival and assistant as a bibliophile, are among the most delightful pages of a book whose only fault is that, in vol. i., it is sometimes too long. "Had I had time, I would have made it shorter," may perhaps be the excuse of one whose more important occupations must press hard upon the time he can devote to literary production. WENTWORTH WEBSTER.

NEW NOVELS.

Down the Way. By Miss Hope Stanford.
In 3 vols. (J. & R. Maxwell.)
The Man She Cared For. By F. W. Robin-
son. In 3 vols. (Hurst & Blackett.)
Torwood's Trust. By Miss E. Everett-Green.
In 3 vols. (Bentley.)

Her Washington Season. By Jeanie Gould
Lincoln. (Trübner.)

For Ever and Never. By J. Palgrave Simp-
son. In 2 vols. (Chapman & Hall.)
Gold and Silver. By Mrs. Sale Lloyd. In 2
vols. (White.)

MISS HOPE STANFORD has chosen for her hero
a not unfamiliar type of the young man of the