in the several counties, and to what time the authority should be limited, so that no power should be executed by him alone, without the advice of both houses, he declared that, for their satisfac tion, he would then place the militia and forts under the command of individuals whom they recommended, provided he had no just exception to the particular persons. As an apparent earnest of this, he displaced Byron, and substituted Sir John Conyers, whom they recommended, as lieutenant of the Tower; though he had formerly irritated them by a refusal on this head. But the motive for the refusal was now removed by the measures adopted to guard that important place.-In consequence of his majesty's answer regarding the militia, an ordinance was prepared by both houses, which, with a list of the individuals to be filled up, was transmitted to him; and as the queen was still in England, he, to gain time, answered that he had not at present leisure to consider of so important a matter. This being deemed equivalent to a denial, excited dissatisfaction; and a second answer was sent, which, while it seemed in a measure to grant their request, was only calculated to evade it. The purport was, that he admitted their right to the nomination of officers, except in corporate towns ;—an exception as extraordinary in itself, as it was ob, jectionable in regard to the security of parliament. Many counties had already entered upon measures relative to the militia; and the Commons had fully evinced their moderation, and the real jealousy of the monarch with which they were actuated, by nominating peers in almost every case to the command of the military in the respective shires, whence Charles might easily have anticipated that a denial now would only inflame them with indignation and inspire additional fear. Both houses immediately voted that those who advised his majesty to return such an answer were enemies to the state, and mischievous projectors against the defence of the kingdom: That the denial was of such dangerous consequence, that if his majesty persisted in it, it would hazard the peace and safety of all his kingdoms, unless some speedy remedy were applied by the wisdom and authority of both houses of parliament; and that such parts of the kingdom as had already put themselves into a posture of defence against the common danger, had done nothing but what was justifiable, and approved of by both houses. These resolutions were ordered to be printed, and another petition of a far stronger nature was sent to the king. In this, they intimate their purpose of disposing of the militia of their own accord, if their request were denied; pray that he will himself return to the neighbourhood of London, and allow the prince also to remain in the vicinity; and declare that they never could conceive themselves safe till he cast off the wicked counsellors who interposed their corrupt and malicious designs betwixt his goodness, and his own and the people's prosperity *. Rush. vol. iv. p. 517, et seq. Old Parl. Hist. vol. x. p. 285–9. 299, 308-9, 321, et seq. Cobbett, vol. ii. p. 1083, 1097, 1106. Husband's Col. p. 73-4. To understand the spirit of the answers, it is necessary to relate what had happened in the course of the events which have just been detailed. Both Charles and his consort were exceedingly anxious that she, and, there is reason to believe, their children too, should be removed from England, lest they should be in a manner retained by the parliament as hostages for its security *. And it was just on the eve of her departure, that he, by commission, passed the bill for pressing soldiers, and that for depriving the prelates of their seats in the upper house. But though he passed the bills, he never intended, as we learn from Clarendon himself, that they should be obligatory upon him. He yielded to these and other acts, according to the noble historian, on the principle that, in their passage through the houses, there had been something like constraint; and that therefore they contained an original defect, which no confirmation by him could cure, since a ratification can never validate what is positively nullt. Whether this casuistry were suggested by others, or invented by himself, it is evident that, with a monarch who acted on such principles, there could be no safety in any agreement. When Henrietta left England, she was exceedingly apprehensive" that the king would, at some time, be prevailed with to yield to some unreasonable conditions ;" and, "to make all things therefore as sure as might be, that her ab Mad. de Motteville, tome i. p. 268. See former refer + Clar. vol. ii. p. 429-30. sence should not be attended with any such inconvenience, his majesty made a solemn promise to her at parting, that he would receive no person into any favour or trust who had disserved him, without her privity and consent; and that, as she had undergone so many reproaches and calumnies at the entrance into the war, so he would never make any peace but by her interposition and mediation, that the kingdom might receive that blessing from her." Secret as were the royal purposes, they did not escape the vigilance of both houses; and as in the subsequent messages, Charles acted subtilely, with a view to his main design, so, in all their measures, the houses had reference to this object. For long after this, he not only continued to negotiate, but solemnly denied-calling God Almighty to witness his sincerity-that he had any intention of war; though war that precluded accommodation, had then been resolved upon, and the same apologetical historian, whose office as councillor, &c. prevented the possibility of mistake, informs us, that "the concert with the queen shut out all opposite consultations f." Clarendon gives it as his opinion, that, as the prejudice was principally against the queen, had Clar. Life, vol. i. p. 80, 156. The general statements of Clarendon are directly opposite to this, because no otherwise could he defend his master. His candour, then, is no longer a subject of doubt; and what shall we think of the minister whose professions of piety were unceasing, that could put into the mouth of Charles so many protestations and appeals to heaven that he entertained no such designs? + Id. 57, 112. Charles, after her departure, returned to Whitehall, he might have accommodated matters" by very moderate condescensions ;" and though we may, in opposition to this historian, observe, that considerable sacrifices of power would have been requisite, still he might have restored tranquillity on terms not incompatible with his dignity as a monarch. As he had, however, resolved upon hostilities,so, now that the queen was gone, he determined to act with greater decision; but he, at the same time, conducted himself with greater policy, though not with more honesty, than formerly. Hyde had often, as a secret counsellor, clandestinely visited him in the dark *; and now, that Charles meant to go north, an arrangement was made of so extraordinary a nature, that we cannot forbear from transcribing Clarendon's own account of it; particularly as it affords a clue to that character for talent which Charles unjustly acquired. At a secret interview, the king, previous to going north, told Hyde "that he should not see him any more before he took that journey; and therefore he required him upon all occasions to write to him, and advertise him of such matters as were fit for him to know; and to prepare and send him answers to such declarations or messages as the parliament should send to him. He said he knew well the danger he underwent, if he were discovered. But his majesty assured him, and bade him be confident of it, that no person alive, but himself and his two Clar. Life, p. 46, 50. 90. 98. |
