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.ittle time to consider of them. As to when it may be the best time for me to return hither and meet you again, I shall leave that to'your consideration.

Loan Wni'rnocxa. “Your Highness will be pleased to appoint your own time.’

THE Loan PROTECTOR. On Monday at nine of the clock I will be ready to wait upon you.*

And so, with many bows, meant—Thus they, doing their epic feat, not in the hexameter measure, on that old Saturday fore noon, 11 April, 1657 ; old London, old England, sounding manifoldly round them ;--the Fifth-Monarchy just looked in the Tower.

Our learned friend Bulstrode says: ‘The Protector often advised about this’ of the Kingship ‘and other great businesses with the Lord Broghil, Pierrepoint’ \Earl of Kingston’s Brother, an old Long-Parliament man), with ‘Whitlocke, Sir Charles Wolseley, and Thurloe; and would be shut up three or four hours together in private discourse, and none were admitted to come in to him. He would sometimes be very cheerful with them; and laying aside his greatness, he would be exceeding familiar; and by way of divsrsion would make verses,’ play at crambo, ‘ with them, and every one must try his fancy. He (commonly called for tobacco, pipes and a candle, and would now and then take tobacco himself 5’ which was a very high attempt. ‘ Then he would fall again to his serious and great business’ of the Kingship ; ‘ and advise with them in those affairs. And this he did often with them ; and their counsel was accepted and’ in part ‘ followed by him in most of the greatest afi'airs,—-as it deserved to betf

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0N Monday, April 13th, at Whitehall, at nine in the morninggl; according to agreement on Saturday last, the Committee of

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Ninety-nine attend his Highness, and his Highness there speaks ,~addressing Whitlocke as reporter of the said Committee :

MY Loan,

I think I have a very hard task on my hand. Though it be but to give an account of myself, yet I see I am beset on all hands here. I say but to give an account of “ myself :” yet that is a business very comprehensive of others :—‘ comprehending’ us all in some sense, and, as the Parliament have been pleased to shape it, comprehending all the interests of these Three Nations !

I confess I have two things in view. The first is, To return some answer to what was so well and ably said the other day on behalf of the Parliament’s putting that Title in the Instrument of Settlement. [This is the First thing; what the Second is, does not yet for a long while appear.] I hope it will not be expected I should answer everything that was then said: because I suppose the main things that were spoken were arguments from ancient Constitutions and Settlements by the Laws ; in which I am sure I could never be well skilled,—and therefore must the more ask pardon for what I have already transgressed ‘in speaking of such matters,’ or shall now transgress, through my ignorance of them, in my ‘ present’ answer to you.

Your arguments, which I say were chiefly upon the Law, seem to carry with them a great deal of necessary conclusiveness, to inforce that one thing of Kingship. And if your arguments come upon me to inforca upon me the ground of Necessity,-why, then, I have no room to answer: for what must he must be! And therefore I did reckon it much of my business to consider whether there were such a necessity,

‘or would arise such a necessity, from those arguments—It was said: “ Kingship is not a Title, but an Ofiice, so interwaven with the fundamental Laws of this Nation, that they cannot, or cannot well be executed and exercised without ‘ it,’—-partly, if I may say so, upon a supposed ignorance which the Law hath of any other Title. It knows no other: neither doth any know another. And, by reciprocation,this said Title, or Name, or Office, you were farther pleased to say, is understood ; in the dimensions of it, in the power and prerogatives of it: which are by the Law made certain; and the Law can tell when it [Kingship] keeps within compass, and when it exceeds its limits. And the Law knowing this, the People can know it also. And the People do love what they know. And it will neither be pro salute populi, nor for our safety, to obtrude upon the People what they do not nor cannot understand)? .


It was said also, “ That the People have always, by their representatives in Parliament, been unwilling to vary Names,—seeing they love settlement and known names, as was said before.” And there were tw: good instances given of that: the one, in King James’s time, about his desire to alter somewhat of the Title : and the other in the Long Parliament, where they being otherwise rationally moved to adopt the word “ Representative” instead of “Parliament,” refused it for the same reason. [Lenthall tries to blush.]—It was said also, “ That the holding to this word doth strengthen the ‘ new’ Settlement; for hereby there is not anything de novo done, but merely things are revolved in their old current.” It was said, “That it is the security of the Chief Magistrate, and that it secures all who act under him.”—Truly these are the principal of those grounds that were offered the other day, so far as I do recollect.

I cannot take upon me to refel those grounds; they are so strong and rational. But if I am to be able to make any answer to them, I must not grant that they are necessarily conclusive; I must take them only as arguments which perhaps have in them much conveniency, much probability towards conclusiveness. For if aremedy or expedient may be found, they-are not of necessity, they are not inevitable grounds : and if not necessary or concluding grounds, why then they will hang upon the reason of expediency or conveniency. 'And if so,I shall have a little liberty ‘to speak ;’ otherwise I am concluded before I speak—Therefore it will behove me to say what I can, Why these are not necessary reasons; why they are not—why it* is not (I should say) so interwoven in the Laws but that the Laws may still be executed as justly, and as much to the satisfaction of the people, and answering all objections equally well, without such a Title as with it. And then, whenI have done that, Ishall only take the liberty to say a. word or two for my, own groundssl' And when I have said whatl can say as to that ‘latter point,’—I hope you will think a great deal more than I say. [Not convenient to SPEAK everything in so iieklish a predicament; with Deputations 1; 11 Hundred Oflicers, and so many “scrupulous fellows,” “ermsiderable in their own conceit,” glaring into the business, with eyes much sharper than they are deep! '

Truly though Kingship be not a ‘mere’ Title, but the Name of an

" The Kingship: his Highness finds that the grammar will require to be Attended to.

f ‘ Grounds‘ originating with myself independently of yours. Is this the “ second” thing, which his Highness had in view, but did not specify afler the “ first,” when he started? The issue proves it to be so.

Office which runs through the ‘ whole of the’ Law; yet is it not so ratione nominis, by reason of the name, but by reason of what the name signifies. It is a Name of Oflice plainly implying aSupreme Authority: is it more; or can it be stretched to more? I say, it is a Name of Ofiice plainly implying the Supreme Authority: and if so, why then I should suppose,—I am not peremptory in anything that is matter of deduction or inference of my own,—but I should suppose that whatso~ ever name hath been or shall be the Name under which the Supreme Authority acts—[Sentence abruptly stops; the conclusion being visible without speechl] Why, I say, if it had been those Four or Five Letters, or whatever else it had been—! That signification goes to the thing, certainly it does; and not to the name.' [Certainly !] Why, then, there can no more be said but this: As such a Title hath been fixed, so it may be unfixed. And certainly in the right of the Authority, I mean the Legislative Power,—in the right of the Legislative Power, I think the Authority that could christen it with such a name could have called it by another name. Therefore the name is only derived from that ‘ Authority.’ And certainly they, ‘the primary Legislative Authority,’.had the disposal of it, and might have detracted ‘from it,’ changed ‘it :’and I hope it will be no offence to say to you, as the case now stands, “ So may you.” And if it be so that you may, why then I say, there is nothing of necessity in your argument; and all turns on consideration of the expedience of it. [Is the Kingship expedient ?]

Truly I had rather, if I were to choose, if it were the original question,—which I hope is altogether out of the question [His Highness means afar ofl'fl in a polite manner, “YOU don’t pretend that I still need to be made Protector by you or by any creature ."’],-—-I had rather have any Name from this Parliament than any other Name without it : so much do I value the authority of the Parliament. And I believe all men are of my mind in that; I believe the Nation is very much of my mind,-—though it be an uncertain way of arguing, what mind they are of.* I think we may say it without offence; for I would give none! [No qfi'ence to you, Honorable Gentlemen, who are here by function, to interpret and signify the Mind If _ the Nation. It is rery diflicult to do !]—Though the Parliament be the truest way to know what the mind of the Nation is, yet if the Parliament will be pleased to give me a liberty to reason for myself; and if that be one of your arguments—[“ That :” what, your Highness? That the mind of the Nation, well interpreted by this Parliament, is really for a King? That our Laws cannot go on without a King Il—His Highness means the former mainly, but means the latter too; means several things together, as


* Naturally a delicate subject : some assert the Nation has never recognized his Highness,--his Highness being of a very different opinion indeed !


his manner sometimes is, in abstruse cases !]—I hope I may urge against that the reason of my own mind is not quite to that effect. But I do say undoubtingly (let us think about other things, ‘ about the mind of the Nation and such like,’ what we will), what the Parliament settles is what will run, ‘ and have currency,’ through the Law; and will lead the thread of Government through this Land equally well as what hath been. For I consider that what hathbeen was upon the same account, ‘ by the same authority.’ Save that there hath been some long continuance of the thing [This thing of Kingship], it is but upon the same account! It had its original somewhere ! And it was with consent of the Whole,—-there is the original of it. And consent of the whole will ‘ still,’ I say, be the needle that will lead the thread through all [The same tailor-metaphor a second time] and I think no man will pretend right against it, or wrong !

And if so, then, under favor to me, I think these arguments from the Law are all not as of necessity, but are to be understood as of conveniency. It is in your power to dispose and settle; and beforehand we can have confidence that what you do settle will be as authentic as the things that were of old,-especially as this individual thing, the Name, or Title,— according to the Parliament’s appointment. ‘ Is not this so '2 It is question not of necessity; we have power to settle it as conveniency directs.’ Why then, there will (with leave) be way made for me to ofl'er a reason or two to the other considerations you adduced : otherwise, I say my mouth is stopped! [His Highness is plunging in deep brakes and imbroglios ,hopes, however, that he now sees daylight athwart them]

There are very many inforcements to carry on this thing. [Thing 9f the Kingship.] But I suppose it will ‘ have to ’ standon its expediency—Truly I should have urged one consideration more which I forgot [Looks over his shoulder in the jungle, and bethinks him .'],—-namely, the argument not of reason only, but of experience. It is a short one, but it in a true one (under favor), and is known to you all in the fact of it (under favor) [A damnable iteration; but too characteristic to be omitted] : That the Supreme Authority going by another Name and under another Title than that of King hath been, why it hath been already twice complied with ! [Long Parliament, called“ Keepers qf the Liberties of England," found compliance; and now the “ Protectorate ” finds] ‘ Twice :’ under the Custodes Libertatis Anglia, and also since I exercised the place, it hath been complied with. And truly I may say that almost universal obedience hath been given by all ranks and sorts of men to both. Now this ‘ on the part of both these Authorities,’ was a beginning with the highest degree of Magistracy at the first alteration ; and ‘at a time ’ when that ‘ Kingship’ was the name ‘ established :’ and the new

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