HISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES. CHAPTER X. RETROSPECT OF THE PRESIDENTIAL ELECTION. INAUG- WHILE the result of the presidential election still re- CHAPTER mained in doubt, Jefferson had written to Madison signifying his desire, that should he and Adams have an equal vote, Adams might be president. "He has always been my senior, from the commencement of our public life, and the expression of the public will being equal, this circumstance ought to give him the preference." Such haste to provide against a double contingency, an equal vote in the electoral colleges, and an equal vote in the House of Representatives, without which Jefferson's declination in favor of Adams could not come into play, might seem a little premature. The offer was perfectly safe, since there was not the least danger that Jefferson's political friends would incline to indulge him in this amiable modesty; yet there is reason to believe that on this occasion Jefferson, for once at least, was sincere. "I am really anxious," the letter adds, "to see the speech"-meaning Washington's speech at the opening of the session of Congress. "It must exhibit a very different picture of our foreign af X. 1796. Dec. 15, X. CHAPTER fairs from that presented in the adieu"-Washington's Farewell Address-" or it will not correspond with my 1796. views of them. I think they never wore so gloomy an aspect since the year 1783. Let those come to the helm who think they can steer clear of difficulties. I have no confidence in myself for the undertaking." Dec. 27. In a letter to Edward Rutledge, some ten days later, and when the result of the election was better known, after denying, "on his salvation," his having anything to do with the votes cast for him as president, dexterously hinting that Rutledge, had he chosen to take part in public affairs, might himself have been the candidatehe protests "before his God" his joy at not having been chosen. "I have no ambition," he adds "to govern men, no passion which would lead me to delight to ride in a storm. The newspapers will permit me to plant my corn, peas, &c., in hills or drills, as I please (and my oranges, by-the-by, when you send them), while our Eastern friend will be struggling with the storm which is gathering over us, perhaps be shipwrecked in it. This is certainly not a moment to covet the helm." Had Jefferson been chosen president, he could not but have found himself in a most embarrassing situation; more perplexing even than that of which, in his intercourse as Secretary of State with Genet, he had already had a bitter experience. To have satisfied, consistently with his own honor and that of his country, the expectations of the ultra French faction in the United States, and of the French government itself, which had taken so affectionate an interest in his election, would have been difficult indeed. A crisis had occurred, which might well make a bolder man quail, especially consider ing Jefferson's peculiar situation in reference to it; and he might reasonably prefer to leave the helm to A lams, RETROSPECT OF THE PRESIDENTIAL ELECTION. 27 X. a man not accustomed to quail at anything; especially CHAPTER if matters could be so arranged as to destroy the influence of Hamilton with the administration, and to 1796. bring Adams to depend for congressional support, in part at least, on the late opposition. That such an intrigue was really on foot appears from two letters, one to Adams himself, the other to Madison, sketches of which, written out from memory, as he had omitted to retain copies, are published in Jefferson's Correspondence. The letter to Adams, dated the day after that to Rutledge Dec 28. already quoted, and containing a repetition of many of the same sentiments, makes the following side-thrust at Hamilton: "It is possible, indeed, that even you may be cheated of your succession by a trick worthy the subtlety of your arch-friend of New York, who has been able to make of your real friends tools for defeating their and your just wishes. Probably, however, he will be disappointed as to you, and my inclinations put me out of his reach." The letter to Madison enclosing that to Adams, which Madison was authorized to deliver or not, according to his discretion, developed Jefferson's plan of operations. "If Mr. Adams," said this letter, "could be induced to administer the government on its true principles, quitting his bias for an English constitution, it would be worthy of consideration whether it would not be for the public good to come to a good understanding with him as to his future elections. He is the only sure barrier against Hamilton's getting in." Madison thought it best not to deliver the letter to Adams-why, we are left to conjecture. Jefferson had stated, in his letter, as a reason why hitherto he had delayed writing to Adams, "a despair to make him believe me sincere." Perhaps Madison shared the same discouragement; perhaps he was not so sanguine as Jeffer CHAPTER Son of being able to divide the Federal party; or, if X. that could be accomplished, of reconciling the opposi 1797. tion to the support of Adams, so long held up to their abhorrence as an Anglo-man and a monarchist. Possibly he thought that any arrangement which might se cure Adams's re-election and the succession of Jefferson, would not only look a little too much like taking things out of the hands of the people, but might be putting off his own hopes of preferment to a period almost too indefinite. Whatever might have been the reasons for keeping back the letter, oral advances were made to Adams, which, so far as compliments were concerned, he seemed well disposed to reciprocate; and this, perhaps, was the real reason why Jefferson's letter was not delivered, the object of it having been otherwise and more safely acJan. 22. complished. "My letters," so Jefferson wrote soon after to Madison, "inform me that Mr. Adams speaks of me with great friendship, and with satisfaction in the prospect of administering the government in concurrence with me. I am glad of the first information, because, though I saw that our ancient friendship was affected by a little leaven, produced partly by his constitution, partly by the contrivance of others, yet I never felt a diminu tion of confidence in his integrity, and retain a solid af fection for him. His principles of government I know to be changed, but conscientiously changed. As to my participating in the administration, if by that he means the executive cabinet, both duty and inclination will shut that door to me. I cannot have a wish to see the scenes of 1793 revived as to myself, and to descend daily into the arena like a gladiator, to suffer martyrdom in every conflict." Warned by a bitter experience, Jefferson de cidedly preferred, if he were to act at all the part of CONTRAST BETWEEN ADAMS AND JEFFERSON. 29 counselor to the new administration, the post of back- CHAPTER stairs adviser, a position which according to his estimate of Adams's character, could not but be very powerful. 1797. "I sincerely deplore," adds the same letter, "the situation of our affairs with France. War with them, and consequent alliance with Great Britain, will completely compass the object of the executive council from the commencement of the war between France and Eng and, taken up by some of them from that moment, by others more latterly. I still, however, hope it will be avoided. I do not believe Mr. Adams wishes war with France, nor do I believe he will truckle. to England as servilely as has been done. If he assumes this front at once, and shows that he means to attend to self-respect and national dignity with both nations, perhaps the dep. redations of both on our commerce may be amicably arrested. I think we should begin first with those who first began with us, and, by an example on them, acquire a right to redemand the respect from which the other party has departed." To the affectation of indifference to office, ultra Republican prudery, and maiden reluctance, of which Jef ferson's above-quoted letters make such a display, the correspondence of John Adams, on the same subject, af fords a most refreshing contrast. Adams indeed wrote. to his wife, who seems to have been his sole confidant, to whom he unbosomed himself without restraint, while Jefferson wrote to political co-operators, in many of whom he saw or feared political rivals, and with all of whom he had an object to accomplish. Yet, with all due allowance for this difference, and though Adams's letters show him self-deceived no less than Jefferson, they still exhibit in a strong light the contrast between his character and that of his rival. |