ment. In regard to what are universally, or almost universally, acknowledged to be the ordinary functions of every government,-the preservation of private right and public order, and the regulation of fiscal, financial, and other secular affairs, we hold, of course, that all of them ought to be discharged, in accordance with Christian principle, and with an unequivocal reference to the Christian standard. Indeed, we can scarcely conceive of any Christian controversialist deliberately denying this. And it is on this account, we may observe in passing, that we confess ourselves to be disappointed in the professions of some of our Voluntary friends, who seemed lately desirous of avowing their belief that the civil magistrate had something to do about religion, (or circa sacra). The candidate for the representation of Edinburgh, on a late occasion,-whose character stood so high before, and whose whole conduct then was fitted to raise it higher still,—may be referred to, as an illustration of what we mean. That honourable baronet has distinguished himself as the friend and conciliator of men holding most opposite views, on the subject of Church government generally, and on the question of Establishments in particular; and among other evidences of his conciliatory spirit, he has more than once disclaimed all sympathy with the more violent and extreme portion of the Voluntary party. We thought-it must have been our misunderstanding -that he was prepared to admit, to a considerable extent, the doctrine of which we are tenacious, respecting the duty of the civil magistrate to act, in his official capacity, as the upholder of the cause, and the vindicator of the law, of God. We knew that he objected to a state-endowment of Christianity; but we thought he held the propriety of a State-recognition of it. And supposing the recognition intended by him to be practical and substantial, and not merely complimentary-a recognition in deeds and not in words alone -we hailed his admission as a great

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advance in the right direction, and never doubted his general advocacy of such measures, of a directly religious character, as, without implying either persecution or endowments-the oppression of one sect or the elevation of another-might yet have an immediate bearing on the religion of the land. Now, however, as it would appear, all he means to concede is the duty of the civil magistrate, as such, to avow himself to be a Christian, and to act as a Christian, in the ordinary civil functions of his office. Thus interpreted, we scarcely thank our admirable friend for the concession; for we really never believed that any serious Christian could think otherwise. If indeed, that honourable baronet, and men like-minded with him, were prepared to go a step farther, and to see the lawfulness and necessity of civil legislatures and governments interfering for the direct and formal purpose of promoting Christianity— a formidable obstacle to agreement would be overcome, and we would not probably quarrel at present on the mere question of endowments. For in truth, as matters now stand, we deprecate grants of public money as much as penal restrictions. We believe, however, that Christian legislation and Christian administration can still do much for education and religion, without drawing either the public sword or the public purse. The Sabbath may be defended, the hours of labour regulated, the erection of schools and churches facilitated, home missionary efforts protected and encouraged, and other measures, perhaps, sanctioned and adopted, of even a more directly religious nature. And, at all events, while we object to the civil magistrate attempting to cultivate the field we have endeavoured to define and designate as sacred, unless the cultivation he brings to bear upon it be thoroughly Christian, we can never consent to his being relieved from the responsibility of considering what he ought to do in regard to it; even though, in the helplessness and embarrassment of a distracted community,

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he may have ultimately to come to the conclusion, that beyond protection and general encouragement, there is, for the present, scarcely anything else at all that he can do.

There is another explanation that we would offer, before passing from the present topic. We have a strong apprehension of the evils of an extended system of public grants and endowments, whether for schools or churches, on that footing of mere eleemosynary and indiscriminate bounty, on which alone they are likely to be bestowed. We look upon this kind of State interference as no homage to truth, and no right discharge of duty, on the part of the community or its rulers, but the very reverse; and, as to its practical working, it seems to us fraught with the most disastrous consequences, as being eminently fitted to paralyze the efforts, and dry up the sources, of real Christian enterprise, while it gives prodigious facilities for the more congenial tactics of a priestly or clerical propaganda. We are persuaded, also, that if the present unprincipled plan of wholesale and miscellaneous benefaction is to be persevered in, it must be met by a demand for inquiry into existing establishments, especially in the colonies and in Ireland. But we have no wish for any mere anti-state church agitation. It is impossible to forget the evil influence exercised on the spirituality of not a few of the dissenting bodies among us, by the position in which they placed themselves some years ago; when their indiscreet zeal, as it seems to us, against establishments overcame many holy and hereditary associations, broke up much Christian concert, and strangely brought Christian men into somewhat unscrupulous and unsafe contact with secular politics and politicians. We trust that the churches not established now, will be preserved from such a snare; and that neither the sense of injury inflicted on themselves, nor the temptation of a favourable opportunity, nor any hasty impulse against new proposals of wrong, will lead them to a course of action that may be apt to confound them with the enemies of all our national institutions, or with them that

are given to change." Things, indeed, are greatly altered since the Voluntary controversy was handled in Scotland, chiefly, or, with the exception of Dr Inglis, we might almost say exclusively, by the Evangelical party in the Established Church. Then, sound principles seemed to be in the ascendancy, or, at least, on the advance, in all the three Establishments. In Scotland, a reforming majority were redressing the very grievances that caused the old secessions, and carrying forward the work of Christ, with almost unexampled energy; in England, Evangelical preaching was fashionable and popular among high and low, and everywhere, we were told, fox-hunting and formalism in the ministry were giving place to devoted piety and zeal; while in Ireland, we heard of a vast homemission set on foot, and the most dignified clergy becoming imbued almost with the very spirit of the saintly and apostolic Usher. And it was the fact of such a period of apparent and real revival in all the Establishments, being selected as, or happening to be, the season of so desperate an onset on them, that appeared to many so unaccountable. that made the Voluntary warfare at that time so sad, as a symptom of much disorder in the social frame of the Christian commonwealth-and still more sad, as a source of more. Since that time, how rapidly and how signally has the aspect of things changed! Scotland has seen her Church, Free and Evangelical, severed from an Establishment, no longer tolerable; the pestilence of Tractarianism has made the English Church, to a large extent, a pioneer of Popery; while in Ireland, with the same disease eating away the life of the Protestant establishment, a Popish one is already taking its place alongside. These differences must practically and very materially affect the state of the question respecting Establishments, should it again be forced on the Christian world. And still more will the spirit of any new contest be modified, if it be, as it must be, evidently defensive; rendered necessary by the attempt to prop up the old endowments by new ones more and more

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objectionable; and, if it can be so limited to the point on hand, as not to raise those questions which divide Christians among themselves, and cast them, in their divisions, into the arms of unholy political alliances. It was the theory, for example, supposed to be held by some of our Voluntary friends, of civil government having nothing to do with religion, that gave the appearance of their being at one with infidel politicians, and procured for their cause the discredit of infidel friendship and support. As, on the other hand, the religious friends of establishments were apt to suffer from their association with an opposite class of statesmen, scarcely less ungodly, and from the consequent confounding of their really Christian advocacy of what they held to be a Christian institute, with the mere Church and State ery of secular conservatism. In the altered circumstances of our times, we would fain cherish the expectation that the strife of principles and opinions, if it be indeed coming, will find the ranks better marshalled, and men's minds more subdued. The course and current of events is all tending to separate the lovers of God's truth and cause from the world, and its politics, and its politicians, and to bind them, we hope, closer to one another. But for this very reason, and with this very view, we are against all precipitation. We dread and deprecate premature movements or desultory sallies. We would rather that good men every where stood still for a little to see how the Lord will work. He is clearing wonderfully to Evangelical men, both in and out of our Establishments, the question of principle and the path of duty; and as the schemes of human wisdom are more and more developed, all branches of Christ's Church, we are persuaded, and all faithful men, will find their way hedged in-to leave all for Christ, and to leave all to Christ, alone.

We have hitherto been considering the duty of Government in reference to endowments generally, and with a view to educational endowments in particular. We have expressed our conviction, that the State ought not, at pre

sent, to interfere in the work of educating the people at all, since it is assumed, that it cannot interfere according to the Word of God. It is certainly not on any leaning towards Voluntary opinions that our conviction is founded; but on the very sense we have of the vital importance of the Establishment principle. We are afraid of any compromise here. The principle must be kept entire, or it is worse than useless. It becomes, in fact, in the highest degree, pernicious and dangerous-as the maxim is, the abuse of the best thing is the worst-it becomes a tremendous instrument of corruption and tyranny. No doubt it may be said that the mere teaching of children to read and write, without reference to religion, is a very harmless and safe thing for Government to do. But, in the first place, it is impossible; for even of the most elementary education it is true, that, if it is not for Christianity, it must be against it. And, secondly, it is the letting in of the small edge of the wedge; it is the admission of a principle, in the application of which you cannot stop short. It is neither more nor less than the principle of indiscriminate endowment, without reference to the truth or falsehood of what is endowed. And the more we reflect on that principle, which leaves to the governing powerwhether it be the one man, or the few, or the many-the liberty of spending the public money in influencing the minds of men, without laying upon it the responsibility of seeing that that influence be in accordance with the truth of God-the more are we persuaded that it ought, in every form and in every degree of it, to be resisted and condemned. It comes, indeed, recommended by a plausible air of fairness, equality, and impartiality; and, under a popular government, it looks like the people simply doing what they will with their own. But it is radically vicious in theory; and, in pràctice, we believe it will be chiefly worked by those who have an end to serve, as an engine of priestcraft, or of Statecraft; and will be of the least benefit, proportionally, to those to whom really we must look for the "godly upbringing of the young."

There is another question, which, viewing the subject still from the standing-point of the Establishment principle, we may be expected to consider: we refer to the question regarding the lawfulness of accepting endowments granted on the indiscriminate and miscellaneous policy or plan. For some may be decidedly of opinion that, while they would condemn, as citizens, such a method of applying the public money, and pronounce it sinful in those who are responsible for it,-they themselves may still, as churches, or societies, or individuals, engaged in a good and holy work, avail themselves of the share that, in the general scramble or distribution, may fall to their lot; saving their consciencies by a protest against the system. Others, again, and probably a larger number, may decline to enter into the inquiry we have raised, pleading that they have nothing to do with the State's motives or manner of giving, and may insist on limiting their view to their own position as receivers, and asking simply if anything should hinder them from accepting for good uses, what others, if they refuse, will be ready enough to grasp for evil. Our space will not admit of our discussing the subject in this second point of view. We must reserve it for a fuller consideration.

These

It will be seen, also, that we have still to touch upon the other standingpoint for viewing this question, viz.: that of the Voluntary Principle, and to consider the aspect which it presents, when thus viewed. And here, we shall have occasion to enter somewhat into the discussions raised by the able Letters of Mr Baines of Leeds. discussions are very wide, as to extent, and very minute, as to details: and it would be unwise in the closing paragraph of an article, to anticipate what must afterwards require to be more elaborated. One remark, however, we may be permitted to make. It seems to us that we have a signal advantage in standing upon the Establishment principle, and placing our objecting to State-support on the ground which it affords; inasmuch as we are exempted from the temptation, either to extenuate the quantity of the evil to be remedied,

or to exaggerate the efficacy of the means in operation to remedy it. We do not charge Mr Baines with yielding to that temptation in any serious degree. On the contrary, we think he has done two good services by his welldefined statistics, putting vague generalities aside. He has brought out the amount of educational deficiency as not too enormous to be measured; and he has demonstrated that the resources of voluntary Christian zeal may do more than many think to meet it. In short, he has done much to allay the ferment of blind alarm, which Dr Hook had almost succeeded in raising among Churchmen and Dissenters alike, and which would have hurried the nation rashly into the adoption of hasty specifics, that might have made the cure worse than the disease. He has made it plain, we are satisfied, that matters are by no means so desperate, but that men may take time to deliberate on the principles on which the settlement of that question should depend, instead of rushing headlong into the first plausible proposal that may happen to be mooted. At the same time, we, perhaps, might have a higher standard than Mr Baines of what a National Education ought to be, as to the quality and amount, to make it commensurate with the wants of the population. We have our ideal of what a Christian state, acting brightly on the right establish ment principle, might do for furnishing the means of Education to all the people. Measured by that ideal, the existing destitution may appear to us greater, probably, than it does to Mr Baines; and our appeal to the voluntary liality of Christian churches will be on that account all the more emphatic. For we say to them,—you have now to do the work which a rightly constituted Establishment would do: you have to supply the place of a publicly-endowed system of Education : and until you find Christian schools planted as thickly and Christian teachers supported as liberally, as it would be the duty of a Christian state, were it practical, to do,-you are not at liberty to cease from your labour of love, or to regard the fruit of it with complacency or content.