Page images
PDF
EPUB

815

Liquitur et piceum-nec respirare potestas-
Flumen agit; fessos quatit aeger anhelitus artus.
Tum demum praeceps saltu sese omnibus armis
In fluvium dedit. Ille suo cum gurgite flavo
Accepit venientem ac mollibus extulit undis,
Et laetum sociis abluta caede remisit.

813.] • Piceum' is a strange and scarcely 8. 257. “Se iactu dedit ” G. 4. 528. pleasing epithet, expressing, doubtless, the Virg. may have followed some description sweat as mingled with dust and gore. of Horatius Cocles. • Omnibus armis,' There is nothing like it in Hom. or Enn. navotlla. “Nec respirandi fit copia” Enn. 1. C., 816.) From Eun. A. 1. fr. 37, "Teque, both being closely translated from Hom. pater Tiberine, tuo cum flumine sancto," ουδέ πη είχεν 'Αμπνεύσαι.

which he had already more closely imi814.] •Sudor flumen agit' like “un. tated, 8. 72. Pal., Gud., and another of dam fumus agit” 8. 258. Vastos quatit Ribbeck's cursives have ‘vasto,' Gud. with aeger anhelitus artus” 5. 432. Serv, men • flavo' as a variant. tions a variant 'acer anhelitus,' which 817.] •Extulit,' raised him after his Heins. adopted and Heyne retained: but it plunge and bore him above its surface. is not known to be in any MS. Hom. I. c. · Mollibus,' buoyant, not unlike “mollia has αιεί δ' αργαλέω έχετάσθματι.

colla" 11. 622. Mollibus undis” Lucr. 815.] • Praeceps sese dedit' like “sese 2. 377, where, however, the shade of tulit obvia” 1. 314, &c. “Se iecit saltu” meaning is not quite the same.

EXCURSUS ON VERSE 641.

• Macte,' or according to the more common form of the phrase, 'macte esto,' is generally, and I believe rightly, supposed to be the vocative of mactus, constructed with the imperative of the verb substantive in the sense of the nominative. Madvig disputes this, and regards « macte' as an adverb, the last syllable being shortened as in • bene' and 'male.'

The facts of the case appear to be as follows:

• Mucte' or mactus' was an old Latin word, especially used in connexion with sacrifices. Cato De Re Rustica, chaps. 134 (135), 132 (133) &c., gives various formulae for the invocation of the different gods : “Iuppiter, te hoc fercto obmovendo bonas preces precor, uti sies volens propitius mihi liberisque meis, domo familiaeque meae, mactus hoc fercto,” “ Iuppiter dapalis, macte istace dape pollucenda esto,” “macte vino inferio esto.” This agrees with the words of Servius on the present passage, “ Et est sermo tractus a sacris. Quotiens enim aut tus aut vinum super victimam fundebatur, dicebant: Mactus est taurus vino vel ture, hoc est, cumulata est hostia et magis aucta.” To the saine effect Arnobius 7. 31, “Operae pretium est etiam ipsa verba depromere, quibus, cum vinum datur, uti ac supplicare consuetudo est : Mactus hoc vino inferio esto.” There is also an apparent reference to this sacrificial use in a line from Lucilius Book 5, quoted by Nonius p. 341 and Servius on the present passage, “ Macte, inquam, virtute simulque his versibus esto,” though Lion's edition of Servius reads 'viribus. In the remaining passages where the word is used, with one or two exceptions, it seems, as in the present passage, to have the sense of approbation and encouragement, being commonly found with virtute' or some similar word. There is

| This is probably its sense in Martial 4. 13. 2, “Claudia, Rufe, meo nubit peregrina Pudenti : Macte esto taedis, O Hymenaee, tuis,” a blessing on thy torches."

no need to accumulate instances, which may readily be found in the Dictionaries, especially Mr. White's, to which I am indebted for almost all those already given. Cicero, Letters to Atticus 15. 29 ad finem, has ‘macte' alone without a case, and Statius (Theb. 2. 495) and Martial (12. 6. 7) have each an instance of macte animi.' In all these passages macte' is the form used, with or without .esto,' as an imperative. There is one passage where it occurs with 'esse' in a sort of oratio obliqua, Livy 2. 12, “iuberem macte virtute esse, si pro mea patria ista virtus staret ?." Three passages have been quoted for a plural form ‘macti,' with 'este' or 'estote,' Livy 7. 36, Pliny 2. 12, Curtius 4. 1. § 18; but in each of these there is more or less MS. authority for 'macte.' In Lucretius 5. 1339 • mactae ' occurs in quite a different connexion, “ boves Lucae ferro male mactae :" this however Mr. Munro believes to be quite a different word. Lastly, in Attius' Epigoni fr. 16 Ribbeck (cited by Nonius p. 342) ‘macte' seems to occur in connexion with exsilio :' but the reading of the whole passage is doubtful in a high degree.

I cannot but think that these facts point decidedly to one conclusion. The passage from Cato and the note of Servius seem to prove that there was a word 'mactus,' existing as a participle side by side with macto,' like 'aptus' with apto. Priscian p 668 P. distinctly says “macte, id est, magis aucte, antiqui tamen et mactus dicebant," and Festus p. 93 has “mactus, magis auctus,” which he is hardly likely to have said if the only part of the word he knew was 'macte.' The testimony of Arnobius is more doubtful, as the form he quotes is the same as that given by Cato with ‘macte.' • Mactus' then, as applied to the gods, seems originally to have meant honoured, as ‘mactare' meant to honour. This being the case, it seems to me the natural conclusion that where 'macte' is used, it is used as a participle or adjective, not as an adverb. We must remember that in all the passages where ‘macte’ is used, except Livy 2. 12, it is found with the imperative mood : and Livy is evidently accommodating an obsolete expression, the grammatical rationale of which he perhaps did not himself understand, to the oratio obliqua. How then is the use of the vocative to be accounted for ? The question is one on which it would be imprudent to speak confidently: but I would suggest that we have here a trace of an old construction of the vocative with the imperative, perhaps even of a connexion between the two forms, the vocative of the noun and the imperative of the verb, each of which may be said to be analogous to the other. There is a curious expression in Homer which suggests a similar explanation, olné te kaluara xaipe, Deol Tou Bla Boiev (Od. 24. 402, Hymn to Apollo 466, with the variation μέγα for μάλα). Here oύλε is commonly supposed to be the imperative of an unused otrw = úglalvw, on the strength of Strabo p. 635 : but it is evident that Strabo is merely making an etymological guess from this passage, in order to get a derivation for Orios, the Milesian and Delian name of Apollo. I can hardly doubt that one is the vocative of oủaos, which had come in some way to be used colloquially where we should expect an imperative 3. A vocative is occasionally found in Greek constructed with the imperative of the verb substantive, as in the well-known instances gevoll Tovuraotop Aesch. Supp. 535, ÓBie kwpe yévouo Theocr. 17. 66, which may be only instances of poetical licence, but may also be remnants of an old form of ex. pression. The instances in the Latin poets where the vocative is substituted for the nominative are generally of a different kind, and seein rather poetical than idiomatic 4.

2 In Florus 2. 18. 16, which Mr. White quotes, the reading seems uncertain.

3 This suggestion, with the parallel 'macte,' has already appeared in Dr. Hayman's edition of Homer's Odyssey, vol. i. Appendix A. 3, to which I communicated it. Perhaps the use of one depends on its junction with xaîpe, in which case we may be reminded of such expressions as out and spake.'

+ Such e. g. are the instances given in Servius' note, Persius 3. 28, 29, and others.

It is quite possible that the omission of “esto' after ‘macte' (as in the present passage from Virgil and the three passages which the dictionaries adduce from Cicero) may have arisen from the gradual prevalence of a notion that 'macte' itself was an imperative. Nor does the question whether ‘macte' or macti' is the reading in the passages cited from Livy, Pliny, and Curtius appear to be of much importance. In Livy's time the expression was doubtless an obsolete one, imperfectly understood, and those who employed it would be guided rather by a vague apprehension of usage than by any clear comprehension of its original force. What seems of more importance is the fact that in the vast majority of instances it is only found with the second person singular of the imperative. The 'male mactae' in Lucretius I should myself explain not, as Mr. Munro does, by supposing tható mactus' comes from a supposed macere,' but by a reference to such expressions as 'mactare malo,' infortunio,' &c. Lucretius was using a word which in his time was probably obsolescent, and he may well have wavered between a conception derived from the expressions just quoted, and one founded on the later use of mactare' in the sense of slaughtering a victim

Madvig's explanation has of course the advantage of avoiding the hypothesis of an otherwise unknown construction : but it appears to me unsupported by what is known of the usage of the word ‘mactus,' and it fails to account for the fact of the virtual restriction of macte' to the second person of the imperative. I do not include the difficulty about the quantity of the final ‘e, which might doubtless be got over. The only support of Madvig's view that has occurred to me is the use of the adverb 'salve' in such phrases as satin salve, which I have sometimes thought may have come to be mistaken for an imperative, so that "salvete' was used in the plural, and a verb • salveo' assumed. But I am not aware that 'salve esse' is ever found, though there seems no reason why it should not exist, as Plautus says 'bene sum' as well as bene est mihi.' .

P. VERGILI MARONIS

A EN E I DOS

LIBER DECIMUS.

FOLLOWING the example of Homer in the Fourth and Eighth Books of the Iliad, Virgil opens this Book with a council of the gods. It seems however to be introduced for its own sake rather than to serve the needs of the poem. It gives occasion to two vigorous speeches, by Venus and Juno: but Jupiter's final deliverance is a conclusion in which nothing is concluded; he simply announces his determination to be passive and to let things take their course as destiny chooses. The gods are blamed for interfering, and yet not forbidden to interfere : in fact, it is the conduct of Latinus repeated on a larger scale. The catalogue of the Etruscan forces is obviously taken from that of the Trojans, which concludes the Second Book of the Iliad. The appear. ance of the transformed ships is the natural sequel of the story in the preceding Book, but it does not otherwise assist the narrative. Aeneas learns from Cymodoce only what he would have learnt a very little later from his own observation ; nor does it appear that he is enabled to make any preparations which he would not have made otherwise. The story of the battle is open to objections which beset more or less all stories of battles, at least in heroic times : we feel them however more in reading Virgil than in reading Homer. We have a succession of exploits by different heroes, who are kept from coming into collision with each other till they have contributed their respective quotas to the series of events. In this Book we hear nothing of Turnus' being afraid of Aeneas, so that we should have expected them to meet as soon as possible after the latter has landed with his troops : but when the Trojan leader has slain a few of the enemy, we lose sight of him, and our attention is directed to Pallas. The poet seems sensible that Pallas and Lausus at any rate might have been expected to ineet, and offers an apology for their not doing so. The rest of the narrative is better devised. That Pallas should fall by Turnus was necessary for the purposes of the story: and the incident is told so as to prepare us for sympathizing with the retribution when it comes. Aeneas has a new motive for encountering Turnus : but Virgil recognizes the emergency and obviates it by a divine intervention. Some may object to the character of Mezentius that we have to take his crimes as it were on credit, and that what we actually see of him is in the main favourable. But the question is, have we any difficulty in realizing the conception which the poet intended ? Is the affection subsisting between him and his son incompatible with the tyranny which we are told that he practised towards his subjects and his alleged impiety? If we pronounce that it is not, but that the character is a consistent one, we need not blame Virgil for his forbearance in throwing its darker features into the shade.

VOL. III.

PANDITUR interea domus omnipotentis Olympi,
Conciliumque vocat divom pater atque hominum rex
Sideream in sedem, terras unde arduus omnis
Castraque Dardanidum adspectat populosque Latinos.
Considunt tectis bipatentibus; incipit ipse :

5

1-15.] Jupiter calls a council of gods, 3.] 'n paevvæv &otépwy oixwv édpas of and exhorts them to compose their quarrel Zeus, Euripides Cycl.353: comp.åotpunoùs until the arrival of the time appointed for ofkovs ib. H. F. 406. Virg. may be the assault of Carthage upon Rome. thinking of the highest circle of heaven, the

1.] Virg. probably meant, as Serv. seat of the sidera :' comp. “aethra sidethought, to imply by this line the opening rea” 3. 585 (recalling Eur. Ion 1078 Aids of a new day : just as he expresses sunset &otepwròs aiðhp), “aethra,' like the "aether by “clauso Olympo” 1. 374. Interea' ignifer” of Lucr. 5. 498, being the highest seems to be used vaguely, as 11. 1 and purest air. Jupiter "sideream mundi “Oceanum interea surgens Aurora reliquit.” ... temperat arcem” Ov. Am. 3. 10. 21. Vv.118–146 must therefore contain a brief Arduus' as 7. 624, "arduus altis equis :" description of a whole day's battle, during èv kopuoñor kadéceto is Homer's simpler which, or during part of which interea'expression (I1. 8. 51). The passage from v. 118), the gods are sitting in council. Statius (Theb. 1. 201) quoted by Forb. The conclusion of the battle is fixed by the should rather be compared with 9. 53. pluperf. 'contulerant,' and its fortunes 4 .] Il. 8. 52 eiropówv Tpów TE TÓXiv kal tally sufficiently with Venus' anxiety, vñas 'Axaiwv. "Terras omnis' is followed Juno's anger, and Jupiter's impartiality by "castraque Dardanidum populosque in the Olympic debate. We may there. Latinos,' as in 3. 90, “tremere omnia visa fore reject Heyne's supposition that the repente” is followed by "liminaque laucoupcil of the gods takes place on the rusque dei.” Dardanidum'2. 242. See evening of the day which may be thought Madv. & 34, obs. 3. *Adspectat' has the to bave closed with Book 9, and that the meaning of 'gazing at from far' (as here) night mentioned in vv. 147, 215, and 216 1.120, (collis) “adversas adspectat desuper is the night following that evening. The arces :" comp. v. 251 below. description of the battle vv. 118—146 is 5.] 'Bipatens' seems to mean opening short, but enough is included to occupy in two ways or directions :' it is applied a day. The councils of the gods described to folding doors by Virg. (2. 330 note), in Il. 8 and Od. 5 take place at day-break. and to a writing-tablet whose leaves open With the thought of panditur domus either forwards or backwards (“bipatens Olympi' comp. Homer's rúdar Oůúutrolo pugillar") by Ausonius Epig. 146. 3. (11. 8. 411), and Ennius' “porta caeli” Tectis bipatentibus' probably means Epig. 10), adopted by Virg. G. 3. 261. halls with doors at both ends." "To have * Omnipotens' 'recurs as an epithet of a door at each end was, according to Olympus 12.791. The line of Aeschylus Vitruvius (3. 1. 10), a peculiarity of the (Prom. 397) To véov Dakoûvti maykpateis hypaethros, his seventh and largest variety čepas may have been in Virg.'s mind, of temple ("medium ... sub divo est though the thought there is not exactly sine tecto, aditusque valvarum ex utraque parallel to that of 'omnipotentis Olympi, parte in pronao et postico." Comp. the as maykpateis is only relative to Zeus. "A plans given by Stieglitz, Archäologie der reading omnipatentis' is mentioned by Baukunst, 2te Theil). The idea of a Pierius, and one of the Hamburg MSS. temple was originally that of a house for (according to Burmann) has ‘omniparentis' the deity: the palace of Picus (7.174 foll.) (epithet of the earth 6. 595) as a correc- serves as the abode both of the gods and tion: this was approved by Heinsius. A of the king. Thus it is quite natural that line of Naevius (Osann conj. Laevius') Virg. should conceive the palace of his “ Panditur interea domus altitonantis gods according to the model of a great Olympi” is quoted by Apuleius, de Ortho- temple, and the prominent epithet bi. graphia § 15, who thinks that Olympi' patentibus' may be meant to recall the may be gen. of Olympius :' in any case actual construction of the hypaethros.'' that Jupiter is meant.

The two doors probably stand for the east 2.] •Conciliumque vocat’6.433. Divom and west, the gates through which the sun pater atque hominum rex' 1. 69 note. enters and departs (comp. Macrob. Sat.

« PreviousContinue »