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συγκεχωρηκότας ἅπαντας ἀνθρώπους, ἀφ ̓ ὑμῶν ἀρξαμένους, αὐτῷ, ὑπὲρ οὗ τὸν ἄλλον ἅπαντα χρόνον πάντες οἱ 15 πόλεμοι γεγόνασιν οἱ Ελληνικοί. τί οὖν ἐστι τοῦτο ; τὸ ποιεῖν ὅ τι βούλεται, καὶ καθ ̓ ἕνα ούτωσὶ περικόπτειν καὶ λωποδυτεῖν τῶν Ἑλλήνων, καὶ καταδουλοῦσθαι τὰς πόλεις 29 ἐπιόντα. καίτοι προστάται μὲν ὑμεῖς ἑβδομήκοντα ἔτη καὶ τρία τῶν Ἑλλήνων ἐγένεσθε, προστάται δὲ τριάκοντα 20 ἑνὸς δέοντα Λακεδαιμόνιοι· ἴσχυσαν δέ τι καὶ Θηβαῖοι τουτουσὶ τοὺς τελευταίους χρόνους μετὰ τὴν ἐν Λεύκτροις 30 μάχην. ἀλλ' ὅμως οὔθ ̓ ὑμῖν οὔτε Θηβαίοις οὔτε Λακεδαιμονίοις οὐδεπώποτε, ὦ ἄνδρες Αθηναῖοι, συνεχωρήθη τοῦθ ̓ ὑπὸ τῶν Ἑλλήνων, ποιεῖν ὅ τι βούλοισθε, οὐδὲ πολλοῦ δεῖ, 25 ἀλλὰ τοῦτο μὲν ὑμῖν, μᾶλλον δὲ τοῖς τότ ̓ οὖσιν ̓Αθηναίοις, ἐπειδή τισιν οὐ μετρίως ἐδόκουν προσφέρεσθαι, πάντες 117 ᾤοντο δεῖν, καὶ οἱ μηδὲν ἐγκαλεῖν ἔχοντες αὐτοῖς, μετὰ τῶν 31 ἠδικημένων πολεμεῖν, καὶ πάλιν Λακεδαιμονίοις ἄρξασι καὶ παρελθοῦσιν εἰς τὴν αὐτὴν δυναστείαν ὑμῖν, ἐπειδὴ

τὸ ποιεῖν ὅ τι βούλεται] • the privilege of doing what he likes, and of thus openly pillaging and plundering the Greeks individually, and attacking and enslaving their cities. Compare De Chers. § 9: περικόπτοντες τὰ ἐν Ἑλλησπόντῳ. Περικόπτειν literally means to lop of the extremities, as c. Meid. § 187 : τοὺς Ερμᾶς περιέκοπτεν, and c. Timocr. § 138: οἱ τὰ ἀκρωτήρια τῆς Νίκης περικόψαντες. Hence to strip or fleece. Λωποδύτης is literally a clothes-stealer, who takes and slips into the clothes of a bather or traveller (λώπη). Comp. δίπτυχον ἀμφ' ὤμοισιν ἔχουσ ̓ εὐεργέα λώπην, Odyss. xiii. 224.

ἑβδομήκοντα ἔτη καὶ τρία] That is, from about the end of the Persian war, B.c. 477, three years after the battle of Salamis, to the close of the Peloponnesian, B.c. 405. In the third Olynthiac, § 28, however, Demosthenes states that the Athenian supremacy lasted for fortyfive years, but he qualifies his assertion by adding, that during that time the other Greeks submitted willingly to it. This term of years then would end at the beginning of the Peloponnesian war, or B.C. 432, its commencement being in B.C. 477.

See Clinton's Fasti Hell. ii. Appendix vi. p. 248. The exact number of seventy-three years is stated as seventy

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in round numbers by other writers, as
Lysias (Επιτάφιος, § 55), Plato (Epist.
vii. p. 443), and Isocrates (Panegyr.
§ 122). So also by Demosthenes, below,
§ 33.

τριακόντα ἑνὸς δέοντα] From B.c. 405,
when the Lacedaemonians won the battle
of Aegos Potami, to B.c. 376, when they
were defeated in the battle of Naxos by
the Athenians under Chabrias.

τὴν ἐν Λεύκτροις μάχην] Β.C. 371.

βούλοισθε] From the codex S. The common reading is βούλεσθε, but the optative is better for repeated action or volition.

οὐδὲ πολλοῦ δεῖ] • no not by any means.”

τοῦτο μὲν ὑμῖν] in the first place against you, or rather against the Athenians of that time, when they seemed to conduct themselves harshly towards certain states, did all the rest, even those who had no charge to bring against them, think it right to wage war in conjunction with those who were wronged.'

ἐπειδὴ ... ἐκίνουν] ' when they were attempting to aggrandize themselves, and disturbing existing regulations to an unreasonable extent.' This they did after the close of the Peloponnesian war, when they endeavoured to establish oligarchies in their dependencies, and set up governors

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πλεονάζειν ἐπεχείρουν καὶ πέρα τοῦ μετρίου τὰ καθεστη- 5 κότα ἐκίνουν, πάντες εἰς πόλεμον κατέστησαν, καὶ οἱ 32 μηδὲν ἐγκαλοῦντες αὐτοῖς. καὶ τί δεῖ τοὺς ἄλλους λέγειν ; ἀλλ ̓ ἡμεῖς αὐτοὶ καὶ Λακεδαιμόνιοι, οὐδὲν ἂν εἰπεῖν ἔχοντες ἐξ ἀρχῆς ὅ τι ἠδικούμεθ ̓ ὑπ ̓ ἀλλήλων, ὅμως ὑπὲρ ὧν τοὺς ἄλλους ἀδικουμένους ἑωρῶμεν, πολεμεῖν ᾠόμεθα 10 33 δεῖν. καίτοι πάνθ' ὅσα ἐξημάρτηται καὶ Λακεδαιμονίοις ἐν τοῖς τριάκοντ ̓ ἐκείνοις ἔτεσι καὶ τοῖς ἡμετέροις προγόνοις ἐν τοῖς ἑβδομήκοντα, ἐλάττονά ἐστιν, ὦ ἄνδρες Αθηναῖοι, ὧν Φίλιππος ἐν τρισὶ καὶ δέκα οὐχ ὅλοις ἔτεσιν οἷς ἐπιπολάζει ἠδίκηκε τοὺς Ελληνας, μᾶλλον δὲ οὐδὲ 15 πολλοστὸν μέρος τούτων ἐκεῖνα. καὶ τοῦτο ἐκ βραχέος 34 λόγου ῥᾴδιον δεῖξαι. Ολυνθον μὲν δὴ καὶ Μεθώνην καὶ ̓Απολλωνίαν καὶ δύο καὶ τριάκοντα πόλεις ἐπὶ Θρᾴκης ἐω, ἃς ἁπάσας οὕτως ἐμῶς ἀνῄρηκεν ὥστε μηδ' εἰ πώποτ' ᾠκήθησαν προσελθόντ ̓ εἶναι ῥᾴδιον εἰπεῖν· καὶ τὸ Φωκέων 20 ἔθνος τοσοῦτον ἀνῃρημένον σιωπῶ. ἀλλὰ Θετταλία πως ἔχει; οὐχὶ τὰς πολιτείας καὶ τὰς πόλεις αὐτῶν παρῄρηται

35

(ἁρμοσται) in them to support the Lacedaemonian interests, and control the free action of the inhabitants.

οὐδὲν ἂν εἰπεῖν ἔχοντες] ‘though we could not have specified any injury inflicted on one by the other in the outset.' The Peloponnesian war originated not in any direct attack of the Athenians or Spartans upon each other, but in the struggle between the Epidamnians and Corcyraeans, and the events to which it gave rise. Thucyd. i. 24.

τρισὶ καὶ δέκα] This oration was de livered in B.C. 342-341, and before B.C. 355, says Mr. Grote xi. 363, "Philip had captured Pydna and Potidaea, founded the new town of Philippi (in the place of Crenides), and opened for himself the resources of the adjoining auriferous regions; he had established relations with Thessaly, assisting the great family of the Aleuadae against Lykophron and Peitholaus, the despots of Pherae." It appears to have been in B.c. 354-353, that he attacked Methône, "the last remaining possession of Athens on the Macedonian coast."

οἷς ἐπιπολάζει] • during which he has been uppermost,' literally, 'on the surBut the word has somewhat of a

face.'

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contemptuous signification. Rüdiger translates it, oben an schwimmen.' Jacobs by oben schwimmt.' Demosthenes, of course, wishes to insinuate by it that Philip's power was of an unsubstantial character, and so far like any light object which might readily float upon the surface of a stream, and 'go on swimmingly,' but only for a time. Comp. the French surnager.

ἐπὶ Θρᾴκης] In the Chalcidian peninsula. The Thracian, not the Macedonian Methone, is here referred to. By τοῖς ἐπὶ Θρᾴκης, says Arnold (Thucyd. i. 57), are meant "The people Thracewards, or living in the direction of Thrace; a general term applied to the Greek states which lined the Aegean from Thessaly to the Hellespont."

ὥστε μηδ' εἰ] so that a visitor would not readily tell whether they have ever been even inhabited at all.'

τὰς πολιτείας καὶ τὰς πόλεις] Dionysius Hal. (vi. 1120) omits τὰς πόλεις, and Schäfer thinks the words ought to be erased, as having originated from the insertion of a διττογραφία, or various reading. But they are found in all the

MSS.

66

καὶ τετραρχίας κατέστησεν, ἵνα μὴ μόνον κατὰ πόλεις, ἀλλὰ καὶ κατ ̓ ἔθνη δουλεύωσιν; αἱ δ ̓ ἐν Εὐβοίᾳ πόλεις οὐκ ἤδη τυραννοῦνται, καὶ ταῦτα ἐν νήσῳ πλησίον Θηβών 25 36 καὶ ̓Αθηνῶν; οὐ διαρρήδην ἐν ταῖς ἐπιστολαῖς γράφει 118 ἐμοὶ δ ̓ ἐστὶν εἰρήνη πρὸς τοὺς ἀκούειν ἐμοῦ βουλομένους;” καὶ οὐ γράφει μὲν ταῦτα, τοῖς δ ̓ ἔργοις οὐ ποιεῖ, ἀλλ ̓ ἐφ ̓ Ἑλλήσποντον οἴχεται, πρότερον ἧκεν ἐπ ̓ ̓Αμβρακίαν, Ηλιν ἔχει τηλικαύτην πόλιν ἐν Πελοπον- 5 νήσῳ, Μεγάροις ἐπεβούλευσε πρώην, οὔθ ̓ ἡ Ἑλλὰς οὔθ ̓ 37 ἡ βάρβαρος τὴν πλεονεξίαν χωρεῖ τἀνθρώπου. καὶ ταῦθ ̓ ὁρῶντες οἱ Ελληνες ἅπαντες καὶ ἀκούοντες οὐ πέμπομεν πρέσβεις περὶ τούτων πρὸς ἀλλήλους καὶ ἀγανακτοῦμεν, οὕτω δὲ κακῶς διακείμεθα καὶ διορωρύγμεθα κατὰ πόλεις 10

τετραρχίας κατέστησεν] He has established tetrarchies, i. e. he has divided the country into four provinces, with a viceroy over each. See c. Phil. ii. § 24. Compare the words of Admetus, Eurip. Alces. 1106 (Bothe): ἀστοῖς δὲ πάσῃ τ' ἐννέπω τετραρχία.

κατ ̓ ἔθνη] ‘by provinces.

καὶ οὐ γράφει] * nor does he write thus, and yet fail to carry it out in his actions.' Αμβρακίαν] he had marched against Ambracia. Ambracia (now Arta) was a city of Epirus, on the left bank of the river Arachthus (now Arta), founded (B.c. 360) by colonists from Corinth, and at one time actively engaged in maritime commerce (Harpoc. s. v. Strabo, vii. 457). On Philip's expedition against it, Mr. Grote (note, xi. 613) well remarks that as “his enterprises against Ambracia and Leu cas are not noticed in the Second Philippic, but only in orations of later date, we may perhaps presume that they did not take place till B.C. 344-343." (Comp. de Halonn. § 33.) That they were unsuccessful appears from $ 85: ἐποιήσαμεν ἐπισχεῖν ἐκεῖνον καὶ μήτ ̓ ἐπ ̓ ̓Αμβρακίαν ἐλθεῖν μήτ ̓ εἰς Πελοπόννησον ὁρμῆσαι. But subsequently he appears to have gained possession of the city, for it is recorded (Diod. xvii. 3) that on the accession of Alexander the Great, the Ambraciotes expelled the Macedonian garrison then occupying their city. An Athenian expedition to Acarnania, which is stated by Demosthenes, c. Olympiod. § 27, to have been undertaken in B.c. 343, was probably occasioned by the designs of

Philip upon Ambracia. Thirlwall, Hist.
Greece, vi. 19. Clinton, Fast. Hell. ii. p.
142. Winiewski, Comment. p. 157.

Ηλιν ἔχει] That is, under his controul.
If Demosthenes (F. L. § 295) tells the
truth, Philip gained a footing in Elis by
aiding the designs of an oligarchical party
here. This interference was attended by
bloodshed and civil war: τοῦτο τὸ πρᾶγμα

εἰς Πελοπόννησον εἰσελθὸν τὰς ἐν "Ηλιδι σφαγάς πεποίηκε, καὶ τοσαύτης παρανοίας καὶ μανίας ἐνέπλησε τοὺς τα λαιπώρους ἐκείνους, ὥσθ', ἵν ̓ ἀλλήλων ἄρχωσι καὶ Φιλίππῳ χαρίζωνται, συγγε νεῖς αὑτῶν καὶ πολίτας μιαιφονεῖν.

οὔθ ̓ ἡ Ἑλλὰς...χωρεῖ] So Juv. x.
168: "Unus Pellaeo juvenis non sufficit
orbis." Mr. Kennedy quotes Virgil, Aen.
ix. 644: "Nec te Troja capit." Comp. c.
Meid. § 253, ἡ πόλις αὐτὸν οὐ χωρεῖ. The
omission of yn with Bápßapos is unusual
in prose, and indicates that yn is under-
stood with ἡ Ἑλλάς. Comp. Aeschyl.
Persae 184:

ἡ μὲν Ἑλλάδα
κλήρῳ λαχοῦσα γαῖαν, ἡ δὲ βάρβαρον.
In Xenophon (Anab. v. 5. 16) we have
εἰς βάρβαρον γῆν.

τἀνθρώπου] The rapid succession of
ideas from οἴχεται to the end of the sen-
tence, is remarkable as a characteristic of
Demosthenes, described by the old gram-
marians as an ἐπιτροχασμὸς ἀπ ̓ ἐννοίας
μεταπηδῶν ἐπ ̓ ἔννοιαν, ‘a running over,
and leaping from one idea to another.'

διορωρύγμεθα] ‘we are so intrenched in our separate cities,' i. e. each city was

ὥστ ̓ ἄχρι τῆς τήμερον ἡμέρας οὐδὲν οὔτε τῶν συμφερόν των οὔτε τῶν δεόντων πρᾶξαι δυνάμεθα, οὐδὲ συστῆναι, οὐδὲ κοινωνίαν βοηθείας καὶ φιλίας οὐδεμίαν ποιήσασθαι, 58 ἀλλὰ μείζω γιγνόμενον τὸν ἄνθρωπον περιορῶμεν, τὸν χρόνον κερδᾶναι τοῦτον ὃν ἄλλος ἀπόλλυται ἕκαστος 15 ἐγνωκώς, ὥς γ ̓ ἐμοὶ δοκεῖ, οὐχ ὅπως σωθήσεται τὰ τῶν Ελλήνων σκοπῶν οὐδὲ πράττων, ἐπεὶ ὅτι γε ὥσπερ περίοδος ἢ καταβολὴ πυρετοῦ ἢ ἄλλου τινὸς κακοῦ καὶ τῷ πάνυ πόρρω δοκοῦντι νῦν ἀφεστάναι προσέρχεται, 39 οὐδεὶς ἀγνοεῖ δήπου. καὶ μὴν κἀκεῖνό γε ἴστε, ὅτι ὅσα 20 μὲν ὑπὸ Λακεδαιμονίων, ἢ ὑφ ̓ ἡμῶν ἔπασχον οἱ Ἕλληνες, ἀλλ ̓ οὖν ὑπὸ γνησίων γε ὄντων τῆς ̔Ελλάδος ἠδικοῦντο, καὶ τὸν αὐτὸν τρόπον ἄν τις ὑπέλαβε τοῦθ ̓, ὥσπερ ἂν εἰ υἱὸς ἐν οὐσίᾳ πολλῇ γεγονώς γνήσιος διῴκει τι μὴ καλῶς μηδ ̓ ὀρθῶς, κατ' αὐτὸ μὲν τοῦτο ἄξιον μέμψεως εἶναι καὶ 25 κατηγορίας, ὡς δ ̓ οὐ προσήκων ἢ ὡς οὐ κληρονόμος τούτων ὢν ταῦτα ἐποίει, οὐκ ἐνεῖναι λέγειν. εἰ δέ γε δοῦλος 119

ἢ ὑποβολιμαῖος τὰ μὴ προσήκοντα ἀπώλλυε καὶ ἐλυμαί νετο, Ηράκλεις ὅσῳ μᾶλλον δεινὸν καὶ ὀργῆς ἄξιον πάντες 40 ἂν ἔφασαν εἶναι! ἀλλ ̓ οὐχ ὑπὲρ Φιλίππου καὶ ὧν ἐκεῖνος πράττει νῦν, οὐχ οὕτως ἔχουσιν, οὐ μόνον οὐχ Ελληνος 5

as much isolated and separated from the rest as if intrenchments had been made round them.

κοινωνίαν] ' an association for help and friendship.'

ἕκαστος ἐγνωκώς] each one having resolved to make the most of the time during which his neighbour is being ruined.'

ἐπεὶ ὅτι... ἀγνοεῖ δήπου] ‘for none assuredly can be ignorant, that like a return or crisis of a fever or any other disease, he is coming upon even those who seem to be now very far removed from him.' The term repíodos is applied to the period or fixed interval after which certain intermittent maladies, as agues, return with more or less severity. And Demosthenes means to say, that the attack of Philip even upon the most distant of the objects of his ambition, though delayed, was nevertheless as certain as the return of the most severe attacks of an intermittent malady, or the ultimate crisis of a fever, however mild and ma

nageable in its earlier stages. With καταβολή comp. ἡ καταβολὴ αὕτη τῆς ἀσθε νείας. (Plato, Gorg. § 157.) In the Lexicon of Timaeus it is explained as περιοδικὴ λῆψις πυρετού. Οι περίοδος Wolf quotes from Galen : περίοδός ἐστι χρόνος ἐπιτάσεως καὶ ἀνέσεως ἐν νοσήματι γινόμενος, and he derives καταβολή, παρὰ τὸ καταβάλλειν τὸν πυρέττοντα.

ἀλλ ̓ οὖν ... ἀδικοῦντο] ' that at any rate they were wronged by those who were at least genuine people of Greece.'

καὶ τὸν αὐτόν] and a man might have felt this in the same way, as in the case of a legitimate son who, being born to a large property, managed it in any way improperly or incorrectly, (he would feel) that in this respect itself he was deserving of blame and animadversion, but that (nevertheless) it could not be said that he did so, being an intruder and not the heir of the property. In ὥσπερ ἂν εἰ, ὑπολάfor must be supplied after ὥσπερ ἄν.

ὄντος οὐδὲ προσήκοντος οὐδὲν τοῖς Ἕλλησιν, ἀλλ ̓ οὐδὲ βαρβάρου ἐντεῦθεν ὅθεν καλὸν εἰπεῖν, ἀλλ ̓ ὀλέθρου Μακεδόνος, ὅθεν οὐδ ̓ ἀνδράποδον σπουδαῖον οὐδὲν ἦν πρότερον πρίασθαι.

41 Καίτοι τί τῆς ἐσχάτης ὕβρεως ἀπολείπει; οὐ πρὸς τῷ 10 πόλεις ἀνῃρηκέναι τίθησι μὲν τὰ Πύθια, τὸν κοινὸν τῶν ̔Ελλήνων ἀγῶνα, κἂν αὐτὸς μὴ παρῇ, τοὺς δούλους αγωνοθετήσοντας πέμπει; κύριος δὲ Πυλῶν καὶ τῶν ἐπὶ τοὺς Ἕλληνας παρόδων ἐστὶ, καὶ φρουραῖς καὶ ξένοις 42 τοὺς τόπους τούτους κατέχει; ἔχει δὲ καὶ τὴν προμαντείαν 15 τοῦ θεοῦ, παρώσας ἡμᾶς καὶ Θετταλοὺς καὶ Δωριέας καὶ τοὺς ἄλλους ̓Αμφικτύονας, ἧς οὐδὲ τοῖς Ἕλλησιν ἅπασι μέτεστι; γράφει δὲ Θετταλοῖς ὃν χρὴ τρόπον πολιτεύ εσθαι; πέμπει δὲ ξένους τοὺς μὲν εἰς Πορθμὸν, τὸν δῆμον ἐκβαλοῦντας τὸν Ερετριέων, τοὺς δ ̓ ἐπ ̓ Ωρεὸν, τύραννον 20 43 Φιλιστίδην καταστήσοντας; ἀλλ ̓ ὅμως ταῦθ ̓ ὁρῶντες οἱ

οὐδὲ βαρβάρου] * not even an alien from a place which it is honourable to mention.' Jacobs thus: nicht einmal ein Barbar aus einem mit Ehren genannten Lande.' Ότι ὅθεν οὐδ ̓ ἀνδράποδον, Reiske remarks: “e Macedonia nulla mancipia exportabantur. Hoc nequius interpretatus Demosthenes colligit, tam improbos esse natura Macedonas, ut nemo Athenis illinc babere velit servum, et Macedonici generis servos esse nequissimos."

ὀλέθρου Μακεδόνος] Pretty strong abuse this, and not very generous either. Comp. de Coron. § 162: περίτριμμα ἀγορᾶς, ὅλεθρος γραμματεύς.

Καίτοι τί τῆς ἐσχάτης] 'And yet in what does he fall short of the height of insolence?'

ἀγωνοθετήσοντας ] ' to direct the games.” By δούλους Demosthenes means Philip's officers.

κύριος...μέτεστι] "In margine rect. S.” Bekker. That is, this clause is not in the body of the text.

τὴν προμαντείαν] 'pre-audience, i. e. the privilege of consulting the oracle be. fore any one else, on those days when answers were given to inquirers. The same privilege was conferred upon Croesus and the Lydians by the Delphians, in return for the offerings and presents which he made to the temple and themselves.

Herod. i. c. 54.

ἧς οὐδέ] to which right not even all the Greeks have a claim.'

εἰς Πορθμόν] Porthmus, now Porto Bufalo, was the port of Eretria, a city which Strabo (x. p. 686) tells us was founded by the Athenians before the Trojan war, and next to Chalcis, the largest in Euboea. It was burnt by the Persians when they first invaded Greece (Herod. vi. 101).

τοὺς δ ̓ ἐπ ̓ Ωρεόν] From this passage it might seem that Philip's attempts upon Porthmus, or rather Eretria, were contemporaneous with that on Oreus, the ancient Histiaea. But from c. Phil. iv. § 10, it seems that the attack upon Oreus was not made till a short time after (μer' οὐ πολὺν χρόνον) that on Megara, which so far as we can make out was in B.C. 343. The seizure of Oreus, therefore, was probably effected in B. c. 342. But it appears from $ 69 that Philip made more attacks than one on Eretria, the first of which clearly preceded that on Megara (c. Phil. iv. § 9), though only by a short interval, and therefore may be supposed to have been made in B.C. 344. The date of the first attack on Porthmus is further defined by the short interval between it and Philip's operations in Thrace towards the close of B. c. 346.

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