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That is the opinion of The World. That is the counsel of the New Jersey primaries. That is the logic of the situation.

It is time for facts and not for theories. Judson Harmon might prove a strong candidate in New York and Ohio, but his nomination has been rendered impossible. Champ Clark would be a hopelessly beaten candidate in New York, New Jersey and Connecticut. He could do no better than Mr. Bryan, who has lost these States three times and would lose them again if nominated. Oscar W. Underwood is of Presidential size, but he has been untested as a candidate in the North and is an unknown quantity to most of the voters. Woodrow Wilson alone has a record of continuing victory in the section in which victory is essential to Democratic suc


What other Democratic candidate could poll so many votes in the great debatable States of the East-New York, New Jersey and Connecticut?

What other Democratic candidate, who could carry these States, would be so strong in the great debatable States of the Middle West-Ohio and Indiana?

What other Democratic candidate could make so powerful an appeal to hundreds of thousands of thoughtful independent voters without whose support no Democratic President can be elected?

What other Democratic candidate could so well stem the rising tide of Rooseveltism, which now threatens to engulf representative government and republican institutions?

What other Democratic candidate would so fully measure up to the ideals of the sane radicals and the sane conservatives upon whose joint action the result of the election will hinge?

The World hitherto has withheld its active support from all candidates. It advocated an open convention at

Baltimore, and advised its Democratic friends to await the action of the Republicans at Chicago. The open convention is assured. The measure of all the candidates has been taken. The situation is clarified and further 'delay is unnecessary.

Like a twentieth-century Genghis Khan, Theodore Roosevelt, with his horde of prairie Populists and Wall Street socialists, is sweeping down upon the Republican National Convention. Mr. Taft seems as powerless to check him as the degenerate Romans were to check the 'descent of the Goths and the Vandals. The historic party of Lincoln and Seward and Chase and Sumner and Conkling and Chandler and Blaine and Garfield and Harrison and Sherman and McKinley is apparently in the death throes. This is the twilight of the gods and the Democratic party must rise not only to its opportunity but to its responsibility.

How can it do its duty better than to match sanity against lunacy; statesmanship against demagogy; the historian against the Rough Rider; the educator of public opinion against the debaucher of public opinion; the first term against the third term; the tariff-reformer against the stand-patter; the man who would prosecute trust magnates against the man who protects trust magnates; the man with clean hands against the man who draws his campaign fund from Wall Street; the supporter of constitutional government against the champion of personal government; law against lawlessness; Americanism against Mexicanism; the Republic against the dictatorship?

Who better represents these issues than Woodrow Wilson? Who is better qualified than Woodrow Wilson to appeal to the intelligence and common sense of the American people against the most cunning and adroit demagogue that modern civilization has produced since Napoleon III?

Who would stand a better chance of election in this great national crisis?

Let us look at the facts:

It will require 266 electoral votes to elect a Presi'dent. The so-called Southern States, including Maryland and Missouri, have 175 votes. Assuming that Arizona will go Democratic too, practically any Democratic candidate for President can count on 178 electoral votes. But 88 more are necessary to victory. Where can these 88 be found?

It is folly to look for them west of the Mississippi River. The West is in the midst of another revival of Populism. In Theodore Roosevelt it has found a new substitute for its gospel of free silver. He is the political reincarnation of James B. Weaver, Mary E. Lease, Jerry Simpson and Peffer. He is the heaven-born ratio of 16 to 1 in a still more fascinating form. It is idle to think that any Democrat could appeal to the West against Roosevelt. It is idle to think that anybody who is not a far more masterful and dangerous demagogue than Roosevelt could command the support of the Populists who now call themselves Republican Progressives.

During Gov. Wilson's public career, The World has been compelled to take issue with him on many questions. We regarded with grave misgiving his sudden conversion to the initiative and referendum, reversing the principles of a life-time. We regretted his apparent disposition to imitate Mr. Bryan's sweeping charge against the so-called Money Trust without supporting these charges with facts and specifications. We regretted his long campaign tours, his too eager chase after the nomination, and certain symptoms of instability which threatened to weaken his public usefulness. We have not hesitated to warn him when we thought he was going astray, and shall not hesitate to do so again in the future.

But Gov. Wilson's elements of weakness are vastly

overbalanced by his elements of strength. He has proved his political courage and his fearlessness. He has proved himself sound on tariff reform. He has proved himself sound on the Sherman law. He has proved himself sound on corporation control. He has proved himself sound against government by Wall Street plutocracy. He has proved himself sound on the independence of the judiciary. He has proved himself sound on the fundamental principles of constitutional government. He has proved that he is instinctively and temperamentally a Democrat, He has proved himself a free man who cannot be bull'dozed by bosses or influenced against his convictions even by his personal friends. That is the sort of man who ought to be President.

Gov. Wilson has had more public experience than Grover Cleveland had when he was elected President. He is better known to the rank and file of the party than Samuel J. Tilden was when he was nominated for Presi'dent. The World believes that he would be a progressive constitutional President whom the American people could trust and for whom they would never have cause to apologize.

We appeal to all Democrats to consider this matter soberly and thoughtfully and without prejudice. We appeal to the delegates to the Democratic National Convention to be swayed by no considerations except those of principle and the public welfare. We appeal to Mr. Bryan to throw his great political influence upon the side of Gov. Wilson and aid the Democratic party to meet adequately this great crisis in the Nation's history. He has the most brilliant opportunity for disinterested, patriotic leadership that has come to any American in this generation, and he has before him in Theodore Roosevelt a striking example of the meaning of ruthless and unyielding ambition.

It is not in behalf of Woodrow Wilson that The

World urges his nomination. It is not merely in behalf of the Democratic party as a party. It is in behalf of the American people. It is in behalf of American institutions. It is in behalf of the Republic. It is in behalf of the Nation that is now confronted with the gravest menace that it has faced since the obliteration of human slavery and the overthrow of secession.


[July 1, 1912]

It is too late to talk compromise at Baltimore. Ryanism and Murphyism have created an issue that makes the nomination of Woodrow Wilson a matter of Democratic life or death.

To compromise now is for the Democratic National Convention to surrender to Thomas F. Ryan.

To compromise now is for the Democratic National Convention to surrender to August Belmont.

To compromise now is for the Democratic National Convention to surrender to Charles F. Murphy.

To compromise now is for the Democratic National Convention to surrender to Wall Street.

To compromise now is for the Democratic National Convention to surrender to Tammany Hall.

To compromise now is to send a Democratic ticket into the campaign shackled to bossism and plutocracy. To compromise now is to give Theodore Roosevelt the supreme issue that he needs.

Compromise was possible until the Ryan-Murphy conspiracy was fully revealed and the Tammany boss carried out the terms of his bargain with the Clark managers by throwing New York's ninety votes to Champ Clark. Compromise was possible until Mr. Bryan was compelled

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