J. G. R. hopes that "I may atone for the little credit attached to human nature;" but how can an individual atone for an opinion he sincerely believes? I certainly cannot attach more credit than formerly to human nature, after reading the lucubrations of our friend, but receive, however reluctantly, an impulse in an opposite tendency.

As J. G. R. offers some severe reflections on the offending "Gray," on the score of principle and morality, the more honourable course would have been to have informed us from what source he has derived his information-whether it was from the revelations of a spirit-rapper, or the discoveries of clairvoyance.

J. G. R. completely misinterprets the meaning of the remarks he quotes; they are defined philosophical facts, based upon the well known frailties of human nature. No one would attempt to deny them as such, and even J. G. R. tacitly admits them to be abstract cases. That they were intended to represent the general character of English electors, is a supposition which could not have entered the imagination of a reasoner with the acumen our opponent possessesthough we do not estimate that very highly, when he admits his total incapacity to comprehend how an honest man can take a bribe, and then act as an honest man alone would, in accordance with the wishes of the briber. Would not the man be a consummate rogue, to receive a bribe, and act contrary to the stipulations agreed upon? As to the turpitude attached to the bare fact of taking a bribe, it depends entirely upon the absence or presence of conscientious scruples regarding the object for which he is bribed. Nine-tenths of our lawyers and barristers are daily taking bribes, in the shape of fees, as a compensation for assistance rendered to their clients. And if we stigmatize the whole of the lawyers who take fees, and the whole of the public who pay them, as dishonest individuals, we should need, like the old Grecian, a candle and lantern to find out an honest man in this land of litigation. It

| is consoling to know that J. G. R. will never seek my services, for I think they would fail to place his article in a favourable light, and redeem it from its chaos of absurdities. While sincerely hoping, in the spirit of humility and painful compunction, that the majority of men are not "so bad as myself," contrary to J. G. R.'s expectations, I trust I shall not be puffed up by the uncharitable system of putting other men down.

Thanks for the little breathing space J. G. R. grants us in admitting that the Ballot is "un-English." It may also be true that "bribery, intimidation, &c., are un-English;" but it does not follow that by grafting an un-English remedy upon an unEnglish vice, you get naturalized fruits. In chemical science one poison is an antidote to another, but the facts of chemistry are not suitable to illustrate political and moral science. Our opponent asks, "Why, on the same score, do we not object to Masonic lodges, and other societies adopting the Ballot?" Surely, he does not wish to draw a parallel between such organizations and the representative institutions of our country;— anything more dissimilar could not be compared. A number of individuals, co-operating for a specific purpose, personal and private, from the clubs in Pall Mall to the "free and easy" in the shabby parlour of our village inn, have a perfect right to adopt any expedient they choose to screen themselves from the personal malevolence of those who are frustrated in the attempt to force themselves into membership. These societies have no functional or recognized influence in the public weal; they are merely a union of individuals, beginning and ending with those for personal objects. The national choice of representatives to form a governing power must be seen and known of all men. They must be men of avowed principles, requiring no Ballot to screen them from the inconvenience of an open declaration. Your elector, whose endorsing vote manufactures the simple candidate into a M.P., requires no Ballot to screen him in the profession of his principles; then why should he resort to the Ballot, when he gives the only proof the world can have that he honestly acts up to his opinions? If a M.P. is in total ignorance (which he would be under the Ballot) of the portion of his constituency that voted for him, how could he meet their general

We could have spared our worthy opponent from the painful sense of duty which prompted his apologetic regrets. We can assure him (doubtless to his relief) that his "condemnatory terms" fell quite harmless, and that we never for one moment made the egregious blunder of mistaking his bark for a bite.

wishes, or shift his course in accordance | erroneous. An impartial observer might with their desires? It would be in vain for justly remark, that perhaps "Gray" was them to remonstrate, as he could have no erroneous in his deductions, though not means of knowing that the remonstrances guilty of the conceit of erecting a superand supporting votes came from the same structure without a foundation. parties; his political foes might sanction, and his friends might censure, his proceedings; and he might take the cue from the wrong quarter, much to the satisfaction of the genius of misrule, who would always find plenty of sport in an election by Ballot. If this were a colloquial debate we would ask our friend what he means by "the Bill"? Is "the Bill" one of his own pet schemes, or that of some of his quondam schoolfriends? Is it something supplementary to the simple proposition of the Ballot, or is it a compromise between the Ballot and no Ballot? Before we can discuss the merits of "the Bill," we must be made acquainted with its provisions, and to do that we should trench upon the patience of our Editor, who, as master of the ceremonies, is perfectly justified in preventing the debate from degenerating into a mere party squabble.

The appeal to our sympathies and affections, is a species of reasoning which J. G. R. sneers at. It is not made use of because argument fails, because it naturally belongs to a higher order of volition than mere argument. The best authorities which the ancient or the modern era produced as persuaders, offer conclusive testimony to the fact that this species of rhetoric did not arise from the poverty of argument, but formed a climax, where all argument converged to a focus, animated by the glow of lofty feeling and exalted thought. The orations of Demosthenes and Cato, Chatham or Brougham, would have been "as unrefreshing as the mist wind which whistles through the withered leaves of autumn," deprived of their appeals to passion and sympathy. History proves that senates were ruled by these rhetoricians, and before their impassioned words nations bent, throbbing with the pulsations of their thought, and waiting for its impulse and guidance.

When J. G. R. speaks of statements being "gratuitous assertions," he is bound to prove that his own counter opinions are better founded, by laying before the reader the premise from which he derived his conclusions. An argument is never disproved by calling it a gratuitous assertion, and pronouncing it

He falls into a lamentable error when he states that logic does not sanction the application of abstract cases to universal ones: had he been familiar with the rudiments of logical science, he would not have hazarded such a remark. Why, it is the very backbone of all logic and deductive reasoning, the starting point of the Baconian system, and the principle which Whateley so laboriously developes, and separates from more ambiguous methods.

Let

It would be very uncourteous to leave J. G. R.'s parting words unresponded to; he does not leave us with a blessing, but with a wish, which is nearly as good, and a little advice, which is much better. me in return recommend him in future to content himself with a refutation of his opponent's argument-never imputing personal motives, and leaving individual morality an open question. The use of such weapons might provoke wrath in an old and skilful assailant, while they only excite ridicule in the mind of a novice.

The position upon which we take our stand is, that the Ballot would be productive of greater evils than it could possibly cure: it would engender a universal mistrust; no man's word could be relied upon; political opinions would masquerade under every form, as changeable and captious as the Italian maskers at the carnival; the voter's declaration would be as worthless as the declamation of a mountebank. "If the Ballot be established, a zealous voter cannot do justice to his cause; there will be so many false Hampdens, and spurious Catoes, that all men's actions and motives will be mistrued." All men would be the objects of suspicion,

* This and some following extracts are from Sydney Smith's anti-Ballot Essay.

and all men would suspect; instead of find- | unsubstantial as those upon which despotism ing honest bold politicians we should roam rests. through a world of political ghosts, shadowy region, as full of gin-traps and snares as the valley which Bunyan saw in his dream. As it would be impossible to know what men really thought, how could public opinion be fostered? The clapping hands, and the loud huzzas, would be as delusive as the mirage. A healthy public opinion could hardly be formed under such a system; the natural guides and leaders of the people could make but little headway against the cross current of human purposes, and the ambiguity of human actions. A race of empirics would flourish-men who could suit the spirit of the age by flattering all its sportive and erratic phases. Is not public feeling created by the torch being lighted up first in the souls of genius, who add consistency to their zeal? But, under the Ballot, suspicion would occasionally gather to a storm, and break on the head of some unfortunate wight, as unmerited as the mob outrages upon the corn dealers, in those days when Adam Smith was still a schoolboy.

a After all, the Ballot would not shelter a voter from the personal influence which a man of popular manner and wealth had upon his constituency; and to vote from gratitude, or mere personal affection, is as bad as to vote from intimidation; because a man ought to vote for political principles alone.

"And would not this demoralizing system of the Ballot draw a veil over human actions, -to say to the mass, Be base, and you will not be despised; be virtuous, and you will not be honoured?" History affords no example of human liberty being established by a system of craft and deceit. The battles of liberty have been fought and won by the open and manly attitude of the people against their oppressors. A piece of machinery, which taught them to accomplish their noble work by trick and concealment, would have based their institutions upon pedestals as

The peculiar hardships to which the tenant-farmer is exposed, when his principles differ from those of his landlord, is often urged as a weighty argument why we should adopt the protection of the Ballot. In reply we can state that the class of bigoted land proprietors is fast diminishing. But where that remnant of feudal spirit still maintains its ascendancy in the baronial hall or the manor house, it is impossible that the Ballot could check the evil by sealing up the eyes of the proprietor against the act of the occupier. "The single lie on the hustings would not suffice; the concealed democrat who voted against his landlord must talk to the wrong people, subscribe to the wrong club, huzza at the wrong dinner, break the wrong head (if he wished to escape from the watchful eye of his landlord), lead a long life of lies between every election; and he must do this, not only eundo, in his calm and prudential state, but redeundo from the market, warmed with beer and expanded with alcohol. And he must not only carry out his seven years' dissimulation before the world, but in the very bosom of his family, or he must expose himself to the dangerous garrulity of wife, children, and servants, from whose indiscretion every kind of evil report would be carried to the ear of the watchful steward." GRAY.

The Inquirer.

QUESTIONS REQUIRING ANSWERS.

254. Will any reader of the British Controversialist oblige me by saying which is the quickest and safest way to obtain perfect skeletons of leaves?-W. S., Liverpool.

255. Would any person inform me how to obtain a thorough knowledge of Latin arrangement, so as to translate Latin into English, and English into Latin, easily and correctly?-R. CLARK.

256. Will any student of words inform me of the origin or ineaning of the names, Henry, William, London? Some think that "William "

comes from the Saxon willi, meaning many. Is it so?-J. S., Birmingham.

257. In the year 1836, there was in Russia a religious sect who called themselves Anti-ceremonialists. Can any one inform me if they are still in existence, and, if so, in what manner a communication from England would reach them? For any particulars relating to them I shall feel obliged.-F. T. A.

258. Can any of the readers of the Controversialist inform me how to construct a fresh water "aquarium," from their own experience? The discoverer, Mr. Warington, mentions a particular

kind of snail as requisite, and also a water plant called, I believe, Valesneria Sperelea." Are these indispensable? Would not any other water plant do? While on the sea coast, this summer, I attempted to form a marine aquarium: for this purpose, I placed a sea-anemone," 4 winkles, 2 small fish, and several pieces of rock, with seaweed attached, in a glass vase, containing nearly 3 quarts of sea water. In about 36 hours the polypus had "swallowed up" one of the fish. After this, everything seemed to go wrong; the other fish died, the water became turbid, and began to emit a not very pleasant odour, which obliged me to terminate the existence of the swimming winkles, by throwing the whole (the vase, of course, excepted) away. Will any one kindly explain the cause of this disastrous termination of my experiment?-A WELSHMAN.

259. Although I have read and studied Blair's "Lectures," Campbell's "Rhetoric," and other works of that nature, I am unable to distinguish the style of one author from that of another, or to say of a composition that it is well or ill written. I cannot perceive the richness and fulness of Burke, the stateliness and grandeur of Johnson, or the beauty and harmony of the kindhearted Óliver Goldsmith. This you will admit is truly pitiable; and I should, therefore, feel much obliged, if one of your talented correspondents would give me such advice, together with a few examples, as would enable me to pronounce judgment on an author's style.-ENDEAVOUR.

ANSWERS TO QUESTIONS.

246. Glasgow University.-In answer to the questions propounded by the "Young Student," in the January number, I may state that there is no formal examination prior to entering Glasgow College; that is, if you begin with the Junior Classes in Humanity and Greek. You cannot, I believe, stand as candidate for a degree, unless you have studied in a College. If you are a Scotch student, in order to stand for B.A., you must have attended the Glasgow University, or some other, for three years, or three sessions; and if for M.A., four sessions. Students from England and Ireland are allowed to be candidates for B.A., after having completed two sessions; and for M.A., after having completed three. The fees for the Latin, Greek, Logic, Mathematics, and Moral Philosophy, are £3 3s. each. Natural Philosophy, £4 4s.-J. P.

251. Hyperion= Apollo, the god of day, distinguished for his beauty. The origin of the work may be as interesting to "Fanny" as the meaning of the word. About the year 1837, Longfellow, being engaged in making the tour of Europe, selected Heidelberg for a permanent winter resi dence. There his wife was attacked with an illness which ultimately proved fatal. It so happened, however, that some time afterward there came to the same romantic place a young lady of considerable personal attractions. The poet's heart was touched-he became attached to her; but the beauty of sixteen did not sympathize with the poet of six-and-thirty, and Longfellow returned to America, having lost his heart as well as his wife. The young lady, also an American, returned home shortly afterwards. Their residences, it turned out, were contiguous, and the poet availed himself of the opportunity of prosecuting his addresses, which he did for a considerable time, with no better success than at first. Thus foiled, he set himself resolutely down, and instead, like Petrarch, of laying siege to the heart of his mistress, through the medium of sonnets, he resolved to write a whole book-a book which would achieve the double object of gaining her affections, and of establishing his own fame. Hyperion was the result. His labour and his constancy were not thrown away; they met their due reward. The lady gave him her hand as well as her heart; and they now reside together at Cambridge, in the same house which Washington made his head quarters when he was first appointed to the command of the American armies.

208. The Cause of the Apparent Size of the Moon when Rising and Setting.-(Vol. V., pp. 154, 195.)-The explanation offered by J. L. of this phenomenon, accords with the result of speculations to which I was led by the following circumstance:-I had repeatedly noticed, when at Deal and Dover, in the summer months, that the opposite coast of France appeared, in peculiar states of the atmosphere, much clearer and larger than usual, and, considering the distance and height of tide, than it ought to have done; and when (August, 1853) I passed over to Calais in a sailing yacht, I was surprised to observe, that when much nearer Calais, I could see the coast much less distinctly than I had often done at Deal. This appearance, which it occurred to me must have been owing to unusual refraction, was noticed more than once last summer; and, singularly-D. M. W. enough, at the very period when the unfortunate Prince, the Hannibal, and other English vessels, with French soldiers on board, were anchored in the Downs; and the Deal boatmen asserted that it was the precursor of change of wind and rain. Since then, I have found that the celebrated French astronomer, Arago, after stating the theories of C. C. F. and W. C., with others, gives that of refraction the preference.-F. J. L.

241. Works on Oratory.-We know of no work exactly answering to the description given by J. B., but we would direct his attention to a series of volumes, announced by Griffin and Co., on "British Eloquence," and intended to present specimens of the "Literary, Political, and Sacred Oratory of the Nineteenth Century." Also to the "Modern Orator," published by Aylott, containing the speeches of Burke, Erskine, Fox, and Pitt.-C. A.

251. The word "Hyperion," usually derived from inép iwv, signifying "walking above," was the name of a Titan, son of Uranos and Ge (heaven and earth), and father of Helios, or the sun; and is used by Homer and other Greek poets, sometimes joined with Helios, as a patronymic of the sun. The propriety of the term as a title to a book of travels " beyond the sea," abounding in poetical descriptions of natural scenery, is evident. It may be remarked, that the use of significant Greek and Latin names for books, as figurative of their contents, is not uncommon. Thus we have " Hermes," by Harris, and " Mercurius," by Le Mesurier, two cognate works on the origin and unity of language; also Donaldson's New "Cratylus," Bulwer's New "Phædo," &c. I have searched the usual sources (Greek, Latin, and English) in vain to find the origin of the name "Lenore."-F. J. L.