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24 νοῦν τοῖς τοιούτοις ἀνθρώποις. καὶ τούτους τοὺς λόγους 15 ὑμεῖς ἀκούοντες ἀπεδέχεσθε, καὶ δίκαια ἔφατε τὸν Πύθωνα λέγειν. καὶ ἦν δίκαια. ἔλεγε δὲ τούτους τοὺς λόγους οὐχ ὅπως λυθείη ἐκ τῆς εἰρήνης, ἃ ἦν ἐκείνῳ συμφέροντα καὶ ὧν πολλὰ χρήματα ἀνηλώκει ὥστε γενέσθαι, ἀλλ ̓ ὑπὸ τῶν ἐνθάδε διδασκάλων προδεδιδαγμένος, οἳ οὐκ ᾤοντο εἶναι 20 τὸν γράψοντα ἐναντία τῷ Φιλοκράτους ψηφίσματι, τῷ ἀπολλύντι ̓Αμφίπολιν. ἐγὼ δὲ, ὦ ἄνδρες Αθηναῖοι, 25 παράνομον μὲν οὐδὲν ἐτόλμησα γράψαι, τῷ δὲ Φιλοκράτους ψηφίσματι οὐκ ἦν παράνομον τἀναντία γράφειν, ὡς ἐγὼ ἐπιδείξω· τὸ γὰρ ψήφισμα τὸ Φιλοκράτους, καθ ̓ ὃ 25 ὑμεῖς ἀπώλλυτε ̓Αμφίπολιν, ἐναντίον ἦν τοῖς προτέροις ψηφίσμασι, καθ ̓ ἃ ὑμεῖς ἐκτήσασθε ταύτην τὴν χώραν. 26 τοῦτο μὲν οὖν παράνομον ἦν τὸ ψήφισμα τὸ τοῦ Φιλο- 83 κράτους, καὶ οὐχ οἷόν τε ἦν τὸν τὰ ἔννομα γράφοντα ταὐτὰ τῷ παρανόμῳ ψηφίσματι γράφειν. ἐκείνοις δὲ τοῖς προτέροις ψηφίσμασι, τοῖς οὖσιν ἐννόμοις καὶ σώζουσι τὴν ὑμετέραν χώραν, ταὐτὰ γράφων ἔννομά τ ̓ ἔγραφον 5 καὶ ἐξήλεγχον τὸν Φίλιππον, ὅτι ἐξηπάτα ὑμᾶς καὶ οὐκ ἐπανορθώσασθαι ἐβούλετο τὴν εἰρήνην, ἀλλὰ τοὺς ὑπὲρ 27 ὑμῶν λέγοντας ἀπίστους καταστῆσαι. καὶ ὅτι μὲν δοὺς

οὐχ ὅπως λυθείη] ' not with a view to striking out from the treaty articles which were for his advantage.'

ὥστε γενέσθαι] ' for securing their admission.'

παράνομον μὲν οὐδέν] The orator wishes to prove that he had not really made him self liable to a γραφὴ παρανόμων, though prima facie he might have been so proceeded against. For the resolution of Philocrates had certainly become the law of the land; and therefore so far the orator who proposed a resolution at variance with it, might be said to propose what was contrary to the law (τὰ παράνομα), and be indicted by a γραφὴ παρανόμων. But, argues the orator, the resolution of Philocrates was itself at variance with former resolutions which had become the law of the land, so that his own proposition was really in accordance with the old law, instead of a contravention of it. It does not appear from this argument nor from

any statement in the speech, that the Athenian amendments to the peace expressly provided for the restoration of Amphipolis, and it was competent for any one to argue that the restoration was implied by the proviso that each party should have their own, ἑκατέρους ἔχειν τὰ ἑαυτῶν.

τῷ δὲ Φιλοκράτους . . . ψηφίσματι] In March B.C. 346, when Philocrates moved and carried a resolution for peace with Philip on the principle of 'uti possidetis.' Amphipolis, though an old possession of Athens, was thus virtually ceded to Philip. See Introduction to the Le Pace.

τοῖς . . . σώζουσι] ' which were ac cording to law, and for the preservation of your territory.'

καὶ ἐξήλεγχον] and I convicted Philip of deceiving you, and not wishing to have the peace amended, but to bring those who advocate your interests into discredit.'

τὴν ἐπανόρθωσιν νῦν ἔξαρνός ἐστιν ἅπαντες ἴστε. φησὶ δ' ̓Αμφίπολιν ἑαυτοῦ εἶναι· ὑμᾶς γὰρ ψηφίσασθαι ἐκείνου 10 εἶναι, ὅτ ̓ ἐψηφίσασθε ἔχειν αὐτὸν ἃ εἶχεν. ὑμεῖς δὲ τὸ μὲν ψήφισμα τοῦτ' ἐψηφίσασθε, οὐ μέντοι γ' ἐκείνου εἶναι Αμφίπολιν· ἔστι γὰρ ἔχειν καὶ τἀλλότρια, καὶ οὐχ ἅπαντες οἱ ἔχοντες τὰ αὑτῶν ἔχουσιν, ἀλλὰ πολλοὶ καὶ τἀλλότρια κέκτηνται· ὥστε τοῦτό γε τὸ σοφὸν αὐτοῦ ἠλίθιόν ἐστιν. 15 28 καὶ τοῦ μὲν Φιλοκράτους ψηφίσματος μέμνηται, τῆς δ ̓ ἐπιστολῆς, ἣν πρὸς ὑμᾶς ἔπεμψεν ὅτ ̓ ̓Αμφίπολιν ἐπολιόρκει, ἐπιλέλησται, ἐν ᾗ ὡμολόγει τὴν ̓Αμφίπολιν ὑμετέραν εἶναι· ἔφη γὰρ ἐκπολιορκήσας ὑμῖν ἀποδώσειν ὡς οὖσαν 29 ὑμετέραν καὶ οὐ τῶν ἐχόντων. κἀκεῖνοι μὲν, ὡς ἔοικεν, οἱ 20 πρότερον ἐν ̓Αμφιπόλει οἰκοῦντες πρὶν Φίλιππον λαβεῖν, τὴν ̓Αθηναίων χώραν εἶχον, ἐπειδὴ δὲ Φίλιππος αὐτὴν εἴληφεν, οὐ τὴν ̓Αθηναίων χώραν, ἀλλὰ τὴν ἑαυτοῦ ἔχει, οὐδ ̓ Ολυνθόν γε, οὐδ ̓ ̓Απολλωνίαν οὐδὲ Παλλήνην ἀλλο

ἔστι γὰρ ἔχειν καὶ τἀλλότρια] Translate: for it is possible to hold the property of others;' or, if you please, with Leland: ' for a man may possess the property of others.' The sentence expressed at full is for it is possible to hold (rather, to be in possession of the property of others, as well as your own.' "The last five words demonstrate the meaning of kaí. Why do I omit them? Because that full demonstration is purchased at the price of too much verbiage; and the idea is sufficiently expressed without it, if you read the sentence properly, laying the emphasis where you ought." C. R. K.

ἔφη γὰρ . . . ἀποδώσειν] This was in B.c. 358, and Philip doubtless adopted this expedient to prevent the Athenians sending aid to the Amphipolitans as requested by them. Comp. Olyn. i. § 8, and e. Aristoc. § 138: κἀκεῖνο εἰδότες, ὅτι Φίλιππος, ὅτε μὲν ̓Αμφίπολιν ἐπολιόρκει, ἵν ̓ ὑμῖν παραδῷ, πολιορκεῖν ἔφη· ἐπειδὴ δ ̓ ἔλαβε, καὶ Ποτίδαιαν προσαφείλετο.

οὐδ ̓ Ολυνθόν γε] • Olynthus also forsooth, and Apollonia, and Pallene are held by him, not by usurpation, but as his own domains.'

οὐδ ̓ ̓Απολλωνίαν] of two towns of this name, one now Polighero (Lat. 40. 24 N.) lay south of the mountain range of

Chalcidice, and about twelve miles (ἐνενήκοντα στάδια) only from Olynthus (Xen. Hell. v. 3. 11), which we may therefore suppose to be meant here. The other, now Pollina (Lat. 40. 36 N.), was near the lake Bolbe, and between Thessalonica and Amphipolis, on the line of the great military Roman road, the Via Egnatia (Steph. Byzan. s. v. Acts xvii. 1). Pliny (iv. 17) describes it as 'recedens a mari,’ and in the regio Mygdoniae subjacens.' Hence it is sometimes distinguished as the Mygdonian Apollonia, and apparently with good reason. For the territory round L. Bolbe was certainly Mygdonia (της Μυγ δονίας περὶ τὴν Βόλβην λίμνην, Thucyd. i. 58), and from Thucyd. iv. 103 we may also infer that no part of it was in Chalcidice. Moreover, the hills which bound the basin of the lake on the s. formed a natural division between the two countries. But Hegesander (Athen. viii. 11) distinguishes it (though perhaps by mistake) as the Chalcidican, for he says : Περὶ ̓Απολλωνίαν τὴν Χαλκιδικὴν δύο ποταμοὶ ῥέουσιν ̓Αμμίτης καὶ Ὀλυνθιακός, ἐμβάλλουσι δὲ ἀμφότεροι εἰς τὴν Βόλβην λίμνην, and he adds that the hero Olynthus was the son of Hercules and Bolbe. Accordingly, in some maps this town is marked Apollonia Chalcidice, a name which, from the facts before stated, we should rather have expected to have

30 τρίας, ἀλλὰ τὰς ἑαυτοῦ χώρας κέκτηται. ἆρ ̓ ὑμῖν δοκεῖ 25 πεφυλαγμένως ἅπαντα πρὸς ὑμᾶς ἐπιστέλλειν, ὅπως ἂν φαίνηται καὶ λέγων καὶ πράττων ἃ παρὰ πᾶσιν ἀνθρώποις 84 ὁμολογεῖται δίκαια εἶναι, ἀλλ ̓ οὐ σφόδρα καταπεφρονηκέ ναι, ὃς τὴν χώραν, ἣν οἱ Ἕλληνες καὶ βασιλεὺς ὁ Περσῶν ἐψηφίσαντο καὶ ὡμολογήκασιν ὑμετέραν εἶναι, ταύτην φησὶν ἑαυτοῦ καὶ οὐχ ὑμετέραν εἶναι ;

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31 Περὶ δὲ τοῦ ἑτέρου ἐπανορθώματος, ὁ ὑμεῖς ἐν τῇ εἰρήνῃ ἐπηνωρθώσασθε, τοὺς ἄλλους Ελληνας, ὅσοι μὴ κοινωνοῦσι τῆς εἰρήνης, ἐλευθέρους καὶ αὐτονόμους εἶναι, καὶ ἐάν τις ἐπ ̓ αὐτοὺς στρατεύῃ, βοηθεῖν τοὺς κοινωνοῦντας τῆς εἰρή 32 νης, ἡγούμενοι καὶ δίκαιον εἶναι τοῦτο καὶ φιλάνθρωπον, 10 μὴ μόνον ἡμᾶς καὶ τοὺς συμμάχους τοὺς ἡμετέρους καὶ Φίλιππον καὶ τοὺς συμμάχους τοὺς ἐκείνου ἄγειν τὴν εἰρήνην, τοὺς δὲ μήθ' ἡμετέρους ὄντας μήτε Φιλίππου συμμάχους ἐν μέσῳ κεῖσθαι καὶ ὑπὸ τῶν κρειττόνων

been given to the Apollonia farther south. But there are various other towns of the same name, as may be seen in the index to Mr. Long's Atlas of Classical Geography. One, e. g., was in the Acte or Peninsula of M. Athos (Plin. iv. 17); another in Lower Thrace, which from Livy's account (xxxviii. 51) lay not far from the coast, between Maroneia and Abdera. Herodotus, again, mentions two more, one on the Euxine (iv. 90, and Pliny xxxi. 28) and the other a short distance from the Ionian Sea (ix. 92) in Illyria, the most important and well-known town of the name, which Cicero (Phil. si. 10) describes as "Apolloniam magnam urbem et gravem.” It was situate at the mouth of the river Aeas, or Aous, nearly on the same degree of latitude (40. 40 N.) as the Mygdonian, and also on the Via Egnatia, where it commenced in Western Greece. Pliny mentions others in the Troas or Mysia, in Palestine and Cyrenaica, and the Apollonia Thynias as an island in the Euxine.

ἀλλ ̓ οὐ σφόδρα] For rather to have treated you with supreme contempt.'

ὃς τὴν χώραν] ‘when he asserts that the very same territory which the Greeks and the Persian king voted and have acknowledged to be yours, is not yours but belongs to himself.' This acknow

ledgment of the Persian king was made by a kind of imperial rescript in B.C. 367, obtained by the Athenians, as an amendment of one previously obtained by Pelopidas in the interest of Thebes. See notes on De F. L. §§ 35, 150. The Lacedaemonians and their allies had made the same admission in covenanting (Thucyd. v. 18) to restore Amphipolis to Athens by the peace of Nicias (B.C. 421). According to Aeschines (F. L. § 35) even Amyntas, the father of Philip, had by an accredited envoy to a congress at Athens (probably in B.c. 371) solemnly recognized this right of the Athenians, and undertaken to co-operate in asserting it: ἐψηφίσατο Αμφίπολιν τὴν ̓Αθηναίων συνεξαιρεῖν μετὰ τῶν ἄλλων Ἑλλήνων, ̓Αθηναίοις. Grote x. 337.

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ἀπόλλυσθαι, ἀλλὰ καὶ τούτοις διὰ τὴν ὑμετέραν εἰρήνην 15 ὑπάρχειν σωτηρίαν, καὶ τῷ ὄντι εἰρήνην ἄγειν ἡμᾶς 53 καταθεμένους τὰ ὅπλα, τοῦτο δὲ τὸ ἐπανόρθωμα ὁμολογῶν ἐν τῇ ἐπιστολῇ, ὡς ἀκούετε, δίκαιόν τ ̓ εἶναι καὶ δέχεσθαι, Φεραίων μὲν ἀφῄρηται τὴν πόλιν καὶ φρουρὰν ἐν τῇ ἀκρο34 πόλει κατέστησεν, ἵνα δὴ αὐτόνομοι ὦσιν, ἐπὶ δ' Αμβρα- 20 κίαν στρατεύεται, τὰς δ ̓ ἐν Κασσωπίᾳ τρεῖς πόλεις, Πανδοσίαν καὶ Βούχετα καὶ ̓Ελάτειαν, Ηλείων ἀποικίας, κατακαύσας τὴν χώραν καὶ εἰς τὰς πόλεις βιασάμενος παρέδωκεν ̓Αλεξάνδρῳ τῷ κηδεστῇ τῷ ἑαυτοῦ δουλεύειν, σφόδρα γε βούλεται τοὺς Ελληνας ἐλευθέρους εἶναι καὶ 25 αὐτονόμους, ὡς δηλοῖ τὰ ἔργα.

Περὶ δὲ τῶν ὑποσχέσεων ὧν ὑμῖν διατελεῖ ὑπισχνού. μενος ὡς μεγάλα ὑμᾶς εὐεργετήσων, καταψεύδεσθαί μέ 35 φησιν αὑτοῦ διαβάλλοντα πρὸς τοὺς Ἕλληνας· οὐδὲν γὰρ 85 ὑμῖν πώποτέ φησιν ὑπεσχῆσθαι. οὕτως ἀναιδής ἐστιν ὁ ἐν ἐπιστολῇ γεγραφὼς, ἤ ἐστι νῦν ἐν τῷ βουλευτηρίῳ, ὅτ' ἐπιστομιεῖν ἡμᾶς ἔφη τοὺς ἑαυτῷ ἀντιλέγοντας, ἐὰν ἡ

τοῦτο δὲ τὸ ἐπανόρθωμα] The particle δέ is here, as in other places, used to recall the reader's attention to the original subject of discussion, after the introduction of topics likely to make him forget it. Translate : 4 as for this amendment I say, though he confesses in his letter, as you hear, both that it is just and that he admits it.'

φρουρὰν ... κατέστησεν] So F. L. § 295 (referring to the Thessalians): τὰς ἀκροπόλεις αὐτῶν ἐνίων Μακεδόνες φρουροῦσι.

The

ἐπ ̓ ̓Αμβρακίαν] This oration was delivered in B.C. 343-342, which consequently must have been the year of the expedition into Ambracia, near the north coast of the modern Gulf of Arta. occupation of Pherae was probably in the previous year, B.c. 344. Compare c. Phil. iii. § 36 : ἐφ' Ἑλλήσποντον οἴχεται, πρότεροι ἧκεν ἐπὶ ̓Αμβρακίαν.

Βούχετα] The derivation of this name given in Harpocration s. v. is too amusing to be omitted. It is there gravely said to have originated in the fact of Themis having been carried to the place in Deucalion's food, ἐπὶ βοῦς ὀχουμένην.

Ἠλείων ἀποικίας] Philip bad gained a footing in Elis itself by supplying troops

The

to an oligarchical faction there, and his
interference appears to have occasioned,
or at any rate to have been followed by, a
bloody revolution (αἱ ἐν ̓́Ηλιδι σφαγαί).
F. L. § 295. Paus. iv. 28. 3.
seizure of the Elean colonies (Β.C. 344)
was probably connected with this inter-
vention. The district in which they lay
formed a portion of Chaonia in the N. W.
of Epirus, and its ancient name is in-
dicated by the Gulf of Kassopo, N. Ε.
of Corfu. There was a city called Cas-
siope (Cicero, Ad Div. xvi. 9) on the op-
posite coast of Corcyra, and Strabo (vii.
p. 324) states that the Cassiope Portus in
Chaonia was 1700 stadia from Brundi-
sium.

̓Αλεξάνδρῳ] A brother-in-law of Philip, and raised by him to the sovereignty over the Molossians of Epirus, in the place of their former king Arrhybas. Justin viii. 6. Diod. xvi. 72.

ἐν ἐπιστολῇ] The letter which Philip sent by the ten ambassadors on their return home from the first embassy on the peace. Comp. F. L. § 363: συνέγραψε δ ̓ ἐπιστολὴν ὡς ἡμᾶς, ᾗ μάλιστ ̓ ἂν ᾤετο τῆς εἰρήνης τυχεῖν. See also Introduction to the De Pace.

εἰρήνη γένηται, τοσαῦτα ὑμᾶς ἀγαθὰ ποιήσειν, ἃ γράφειν 5 ἂν ἤδη, εἰ ᾔδει τὴν εἰρήνην ἐσομένην, δῆλον ὡς προκεχειρισμένων καὶ ἑτοίμων ὄντων τῶν ἀγαθῶν, ἃ ἐμέλ λομεν πείσεσθαι τῆς εἰρήνης γενομένης. γενομένης δὲ τῆς εἰρήνης, ἃ μὲν ἡμεῖς ἐμέλλομεν ἀγαθὰ πείσεσθαι, ἐκποδών ἐστι, φθορὰ δὲ τῶν ̔Ελλήνων τοσαύτη γέγονεν 10 ὅσην ὑμεῖς ἴστε. ὑμῖν δ ̓ ἐν τῇ νυνὶ ἐπιστολῇ ὑπισχνεῖται, ἐὰν τοῖς μὲν ἑαυτοῦ φίλοις καὶ ὑπὲρ αὐτοῦ λέγουσι πιστεύητε, ἡμᾶς δὲ τοὺς διαβάλλοντας αὐτὸν πρὸς ὑμᾶς 36 τιμωρήσησθε, ὡς μεγάλα ὑμᾶς εὐεργετήσει. τὰ μέντοι εὐεργετήματα τοιαῦτα ἔσται· οὔτε τὰ ὑμέτερα ὑμῖν ἀπο- 15 δώσει (ἑαυτοῦ γάρ φησιν εἶναι), οὔτ ̓ ἐν τῇ οἰκουμένῃ αἱ δωρεαὶ ἔσονται, ἵνα μὴ διαβληθῇ πρὸς τοὺς Ελληνας, ἀλλ ̓ ἄλλη τις χώρα καὶ ἄλλος, ὡς ἔοικε, τόπος φανήσεται, οὗ ὑμῖν αἱ δωρεαὶ δοθήσονται.

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Περὶ δ ̓ ὧν ἐν τῇ εἰρήνῃ εἴληφε χωρίων, ὑμῶν ἐχόντων, 20 παρασπονδῶν καὶ λύων τὴν εἰρήνην, ἐπειδὴ οὐκ ἔχει ὅ τι εἴπῃ, ἀλλ ̓ ἀδικῶν φανερῶς ἐξελέγχεται, ἐπιτρέπειν φησὶ περὶ τούτων ἔτοιμος εἶναι ἴσῳ καὶ κοινῷ δικαστηρίῳ, περὶ ὧν μόνων οὐδὲν δεῖ ἐπιτροπῆς, ἀλλ ̓ ἀριθμὸς ἡμερῶν ἐστιν ὁ κρίνων. ἅπαντες γὰρ ἴσμεν τίνι μηνὶ καὶ τίνι ἡμέρᾳ ἡ 25 38 εἰρήνη ἐγένετο. ὥσπερ δὲ ταῦτα ἴσμεν, κἀκεῖνα ἴσμεν, τίνι μηνὶ καὶ τίνι ἡμέρᾳ Σέρρειον τεῖχος καὶ Ἐργίσκη καὶ Ἱερὸν ὄρος ἑάλω. οὐ δὴ ἀφανῆ ἐστι τὰ οὕτω πραχθέντα, 86 οὐδὲ κρίσεως δεόμενα, ἀλλὰ πᾶσι γνώριμα πότερος πρότερος μήν ἐστιν, ἐν ᾧ ἡ εἰρήνη ἐγένετο ἢ ἐν ᾧ τὰ χωρία ἑάλω.

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aggrandizement of Athens.

ὑμῶν ἐχόντων] • while you were in possession of them ; i. e. by means of your garrisons. Comp. c. Phil. iii. § 20 : τοὺς ἐκ Σερρείου τείχους καὶ Ἱεροῦ ὄρους στρατ τιώτας ἐξέβαλλεν, οὓς ὁ ὑμέτερος στρατηγὸς ἐγκατέστησεν.

κἀκεῖνα ἴσμεν] so do we know that also.

Σέρρειον τεῖχος] These places were in Thrace, and taken by Philip from Cersobleptes, an ally of Athens, after the peace of 346 B.C. was agreed upon, but before Philip bad sworn to it.

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