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When you were entered upon this Government; ravelling into it-You know I took no notice what you were doing-[Nor will now, your Highness; let the Sentence drop!]—If you had gone upon that foot of account, To have made such good and wholesome provisions for the Good of the People of these Nations as were wanted;' for the settling of such matters in things of Religion as would have upheld and given countenance to a Godly Ministry, and yet 'as' would have given a just liberty to godly men of different judgments,-'to' men of the same faith with them that you call the Orthodox Ministry in England, as it is well known the Independents are, and many under the form of Baptism who are sound in the faith, and though they may perhaps be different in judgment in some lesser matters, yet as true Christians both looking for salvation only by faith in the blood of Christ, men professing the fear of God, and having recourse to the name of God as to a strong tower-I say you might have had opportunity to have settled peace and quietness amongst all professing Godliness; and might have been instrumental, if not to have healed the breaches, yet to have kept the Godly of all judgments from running one upon another; and by keeping them from being overrun by a Common Enemy, 'have' rendered them and these Nations both secure, happy and well satisfied. [And the Constitution! Hum-m-m!]

Are these things done; or any things towards them? Is there not yet upon the spirits of men a strange itch? Nothing will satisfy them unless they can press their finger upon their brethren's consciences, to pinch them there. To do this was no part of the Contest we had with the Common Adversary. For 'indeed' Religion was not the thing at first contested for at all:** but God brought it to that issue at last; and gave it unto us by way of redundancy; and at last it proved to be that which was most dear to us. And wherein consisted this more than In obtaining that liberty from the tyranny of the Bishops to all species of Protestants to worship God according to their own light and consciences? For want of which many of our brethren forsook their native countries to seek their bread from strangers, and to live in howling wildernesses [Our poor brethren of New England!]; and for which also many that remained here were imprisoned, and otherwise abused and made the scorn of the Nation. Those that were sound in the faith, how proper was it for them to labor for liberty, that men might not be trampled upon for their consciences! Had not they themselves' labored, but lately, under the weight of persecution? And was it fit for them to sit heavy upon others? Is it ingenuous to ask liberty, and not to give it? What greater hypocasy than for those who were oppressed by the Bishops to become the

Power of the Militia was the point upon which the actual War began A statement not false; yet truer in form than it is in essence.

greatest oppressors themselves, so soon as their yoke was removed? 1 could wish that they who call for liberty now also had not too much of that spirit, if the power were in their hands!—As for profane persons, blasphemers, such as preach sedition; the contentious railers, evil-speakers, who seek by evil words to corrupt good manners; persons of loose conversation, punishment from the Civil Magistrate ought to meet with these. Because, if they pretend conscience; yet walking disorderly and not according but contrary to the Gospel, and even to natural lights,— they are judged of all. And their sins being open, make them subjects of the Magistrate's sword, who ought not to bear it in vain.-The discipline of the Army was such, that a man would not be suffered to remain there, of whom we could take notice he was guilty of such practices as these.

And therefore how happy would England have been, and you and I, if the Lord had led you on to have settled upon such good accounts as these are, and to have discountenanced such practices as the other, and left men in disputable things free to their own consciences! Which was well provided for by the 'Instrument of' Government; and liberty left to provide against what was apparently evil. Judge you, Whether the contesting for things that were provided for by this Government hath been profitable expense of time, for the good of these Nations! By means whereof you may see you have wholly elapsed your time, and done just nothing!--I will say this to you, in behalf of the Long Parliament: That, had such an expedient as this Government been proposed to them; and could they have seen the Cause of God thus provided for; and been, by debates, enlightened in the grounds of it,' whereby the difficulties might have been cleared to them,' and the reason of the whole enforced, and the circumstances of time and persons, with the temper and disposition of the People, and affairs both abroad and at home when it was undertaken might have been well weighed by them :' I think in my conscience,-well as they were thought to love their seats, -they would have proceeded in another manner than you have done! And not have exposed things to these difficulties and hazards they now are at; nor given occasion to leave the People so dissettled as they now are. Who, I dare say, in the soberest and most judicious part of them, did expect, not a questioning, but a doing of things in pursuance of the 'Instrument of' Government. And if I be not misinformed, very many of you came up with this satisfaction; having had time enough to weigh and consider the same.

And when I say “such an expedient as this Government,”—wherein I dare assert there is a just liberty to the People of God, and the just Rights of the People in these Nations provided for,-I can put the issue

thereof upon the clearest reason; whatsoever any go about to sugges to the contrary. But this not being the time and place of such an aver ment, 'I forbear at present.' For satisfaction's sake herein, enough is said in a Book entitled A State of the Case of the Commonwealth,' published in January, 1653.* And for myself, I desire not to keep my place in this Government an hour longer than I may preserve England in its iust rights, and may protect the People of God in such a just Liberty of their Consciences as I have already mentioned. And therefore if this Parliament have judged things to be otherwise than as I have stated them, it had been huge friendliness between persons who had such a reciprocation in so great concernments to the public, for them to have convinced me in what particulars therein my error lay! Of which I never yet had a word from you! But if, instead thereof, your time has been spent in setting up somewhat else, upon another bottom than this stands 'upon,'-it looks as if the laying grounds for a quarrel had rather been designed than to give the People settlement. If it be thus, it's well your labors have not arrived to any maturity at all! [Old Parliament looks agitated; agitated, yet constant!]

This Government called you hither; the constitution thereof being limited so, a Single Person and a Parliament. And this was thought most agreeable to the general sense of the Nation; having had experience enough, by trial, of other conclusions; judging this most likely to avoid the extremes of Monarchy on the one hand, and of Democracy on the other; and yet not to found Dominium in Gratiâ 'either.' [Your Highness does not claim to be here as Kings do, By Grace, then? No!] And if so, then certainly to make the Authority more than a mere notion, it was requisite that it should be as it is in this Frame of' Government; which puts it upon a true and equal balance. It has been already submitted to the judicious, true and honest People of this Nation, Whether the balance be not equal? And what their judgment is, is visible, by submission to it; by acting upon it; by restraining their Trustees from meddling with it. And it neither asks nor needs any better ratification! [Hear!] But when Trustees in Parliament shall, by experience, find any evil in any parts of this 'Frame of' Government, 'a question' referred by the Government itself to the consideration of the Protector and Parliament, of which evil or evils Time itself will be the best discoverer :-how can it be reasonably imagined that a Person or Persons, coming in by election, and standing under such obli

* Read it he who wants satisfaction: 'Printed by Thomas Newcomb, London, 1653—4' :—' wrote with great spirit of language and subtility of argu ment,' says the Parliamentary History (xx., 419).

gations, and so limited, and so necessitated by oath to govern for the People's good, and to make their love, under God, the best underpropping and only safe footing:-how can it, I say, be imagined that the present or succeeding Protectors will refuse to agree to alter any such thing in the Government as may be found to be for the good of the People? Or to recede from anything which he might be convinced casts the balance too much to the Single Person? And although, for the present, the keeping up and having in his power the Militia seems the hardest 'condition,' yet if the power of the Militia should be yielded up at such a time as this, when there is as much need of it to keep this Cause (now most evidently impugned by all Enemies), as there was to get it for the sake of this Cause ;'-what would become of us all! Or if it should not be equally placed in him and the Parliament, but yielded up at any time,—it determines his power either for doing the good he ought, or hindering Parliaments from perpetuating themselves; from imposing what Religion they please on the consciences of men, or what Government they please upon the Nation. Thereby subjecting us to dissettlement in every Parliament, and to the desperate consequences thereof. And if the Nation shall happen to fall into a blessed Peace, how easily and certainly will their charge be taken off, and their forces be disbanded! And then where will the danger be to have the Militia thus stated?

What if I should say: If there be a disproportion, or disequality as to the power, it is on the other hand! And if this be so, Wherein have you had cause to quarrel? What demonstrations have you held forth to settle me to your opinion? I would you had made me so happy as to have let me known your grounds! I have made a free and ingenuous confession of my faith to you. And I could have wished it had been in your hearts to have agreed that some friendly and cordial debates might I have been toward mutual conviction. Was there none amongst you to move such a thing? No fitness to listen to it? No desire of a right understanding? If it be not folly in me to listen to Town-talk, such things have been proposed; and rejected, with stiffness and severity, once and again. Was it not likely to have been more advantageous to the good of this Nation? I will say this to you for myself; and to that I have my conscience as a thousand witnesses, and I have my comfort and contentment in it; and I have the witness 'too' of divers here, who I think truly would' scorn to own me in a lie: That I would not have been averse to any alteration, of the good of which I might have been convinced. Although I could not have agreed to the taking it off the foundation on which it stands; namely, the acceptance and consent of the People. [“ Our sanction not needed, then!"]

I will not presage what you have been about, or doing, in all this

time. Nor do I love to make conjectures. But I must tell you this: That as I undertook this Government in the simplicity of my heart and as before God, and to do the part of an honest man, and to be true to the Interest,-which in my conscience 'I think' is dear to many of you; though it is not always understood what God in His wisdom may hide from us, as to Peace and Settlement::-so I can say that no particula: interest, either of myself, estate, honor or family, are, or have been, prevalent with me to this undertaking. For if you had, upon the old Government,* offered me this one, this one thing-I speak as thus advised, and before God; as having been to this day of this opinion; and this hath been my constant judgment, well known to many who hear me speak :-if, 'I say,' this one thing had been inserted, this one thing, That the Government should have been placed in my Family hereditarily, I would have rejected it ! And I could have done no other according to my present conscience and light. I will tell you my reason;—though I cannot tell what God will do with me, nor with you, nor with the Nation for throwing away precious opportunities committed

to us.

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This hath been my principle; and I liked it, when this Government came first to be proposed to me, That it puts us off that hereditary way. Well looking that God hath declared what Government He delivered to the Jews; and 'that He' placed it upon such Persons as had been instrumental for the Conduct and Deliverance of His People. And considering that Promise in Isaiah," That God would give Rulers as at the first, and Judges as at the beginning," I did not know but that God might now' begin,—and though at present, with a most unworthy person; yet, as to the future, it might be after this manner; and I thought this might usher it in! [A noble thought, your Highness!] I am speaking as to my judgment against making Government hereditary. To have men chosen, for their love to God, and to Truth and Justice; and not to have it hereditary. For as it is in the Ecclesiastes: "Who knoweth whether he may beget a fool or a wise man ?" Honest or not honest, whatever they be, they must come in, on that plan; because the Government is made a patrimony!— Ard this I perhaps do declare with too much earnestness; as being my own concernment;-and know not what place it may have in your hearts, and in those of the Good People in the Nation. But however it be, I have comfort in this my truth and plainness.

* Means the existing Instrument of Government' without modification of yours.

†The matter in debate, running very high at this juncture, in the Parliament, was with regard to the Single Person's being hereditary. Hence partly the Protector's emphasis here.