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is my apology. The question is, How shall we express our opposition to the Extension of Slavery? Here it is satisfactory to know that there can be no embarrassment from constitutional scruples. It is not proposed to interfere with Slavery in any constitutional stronghold, or to touch any so-called compromise of the Constitution.

Is it not strange, Mr. President, that we, in this nineteenth century of the Christian era, in a country whose heroic charter declares that "all men are created equal," under whose Constitution one of whose express objects is to secure the blessings of liberty,"—is it not passing strange that we should be occupied now in considering how best to prevent the opening of new markets for human flesh? The Missouri com.

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promise, the annexation of Texas, the war with Mexico, are only specimens of trouble from the Slave Power. The Slave Power is the Imprisoned Giant of

our Constitution.

This brings me directly to the point, How shall we make our opposition felt? How shall it become vital and palpable? On the present occasion we can only declare our course. We must carry them to

the ballot box, and bring our candidates to their stan. dard. Our motto must be, "Principles, and those only who will maintain them.” Vol. 11, pp. 56, 57, 59, 61.

Union against the extension of slavery:

Works,

By the Slave Power I understand that combination of persons, or, perhaps, of politicians, whose animating principal is the perpetuation and extension of Slavery, with the advancement of Slaveholders.

I will not dwell upon the manner in which General Taylor was forced upon the late Whig party. This has been amply done by others. Yes! it was

brought about by an unhallowed union-conspiracy let it be called, between two remote sections; between the politicians of the Southwest and the politicians of the Northeast,-between the cotton-planters and fleshmongers of Louisiana and Mississippi and the cottonspinners and traffikers of New England,-between the lords of the lash and the lords of the loom То

my mind the way is plain. The lovers of Freedom

from both parties, and irrespective of all party associations, must unite, and by a new combination, congenial to the Constitution, oppose both candidates. This will be the FREEDOM POWER, whose single object will be to resist the SLAVE POWER. We will put them face to face, and let them grapple. Who can doubt the result. . It is clear that the only question of present practical interest arises from the usurpations of the Slave Power and the efforts to extend Slavery. This is the vital question at this time. It is the question of questions. Works, II, pp. 77, 81, 82, 85.

The party of freedom:

This I

It is said that we have but one idea. deny. But admitting that it is so, are we not, with our one idea, better than a party with no ideas at all? And what is our one idea? It is the idea which combined our fathers on the heights of Bunker Hill,-which in spired Lafayette,—which carried Washington through a seven years' war,-which with coals of fire touched the lips of Adams, Otis, and Patrick Henry. Ours is an idea at least noble and elevating; it is an idea which draws in its train, virtue, goodness, and all the charities of life, all that makes a home of improvement and happiness.

We found now a new party. Its corner-stone is Freedom. Its broad, all-sustaining arches are Truth, Justice, and Humanity. Like the ancient Roman Capitol, at once Temple and Citadel, it shall be the fit shrine for the genius of American institutions.- Works II, pp. 145, 146.

Importance of a free-soil organization:

This is the case now. The principles of Washington, Jefferson, and Franklin, the security of our Constitution, the true fame of our country, the interests of labor, the cause of Freedom, Humanity, Right, Morals, Religion, God, all these are now at stake. Holier cause has never appeared in history. To it I offer not vows only, but my best efforts, wherever they can be effectual. . Works, II, pp. 150, 151.

War system of the commonwealth of nations, May 28, 1849:

Only when we contemplate war in this light can we fully perceive its combined folly and wickedness. Let me bring this home to your minds. Boston and Cambridge are adjoining towns, separated by the river Charles. In the event of controversy between these different jurisdictions, the Municipal Law established a judicial tribunal, and not War, as Arbiter. Ascending even higher, in the event of controversy between two different counties, as between Essex and Middlesex, and same Municipal Law establishes a judicial tribunal, and not War, as arbiter. Ascending yet higher, in the event of controversy between two different States in the Union, the Constitution established a judicial tribunal, the Supreme Court of the United States, and not War, as arbiter. But now mark: at the next stage there is a change of arbiter. In the event of controversy between two different States in the Commonwealth of Nations, the Supreme law establishes, not a judicial tribunal, but War, as arbiter. War is the institution established for the determination of justice between two nations.

Recognizing the irrational and unchristian character of War as established arbiter between towns, counties and states, we learn to condemn it as established arbiter between nations. If wrong in one case, it must be wrong in the other.- Works II, pp. 189, 190, 191.

Where liberty is, there is my party:

It was the sentiment of Benjamin Franklin, that apostle of Freedom uttered during the trials of the Revolution, 'Where liberty is, there is my country." I doubt not that each of you will be ready to respond, in similar strain, "Where liberty is, there is my party.", .-Works, II, p. 281.

A congress of nations, with disarmament:

"PETITION FOR PEACE.

"To the Honorable Senate (or H. of R.) of the United States:

in the State of

"The undersigned, inhabitants (or citizens, or legal voters) of —, deploring the manifold evils of war, and believing it possible to supersede its alleged necessity, as an Arbiter of Justice among the nations, by the timely adoption of wise

and feasible substitutes, respectfully request your honorable body to take such action as you may deem best in favor of Stipulated Arbitration, or a Congress of Nations, for the accomplishment of this most desirable end." Works, II, p. 396.

Our immediate anti-slavery duties, November 6, 1850:

It is a mistake to say, as is often charged, that we seek to interfere, through Congress, with Slavery in the States, or in any way to direct the legislation of Congress upon subjects not within its jurisdiction. Our political aims, as well as our political duties, are coextensive with our political responsibilities And since we at the North are responsible for Slavery, wherever it exists under the jurisdiction of Congress, it is unpardonable in us not to exert every power we possess to enlist Congress against it.

Looking at details:

We demand, first and foremost, the instant Repeal of the Fugitive Slave Bill. (Cheers.)

We demand the Abolition of Slavery in the District of Columbia. (Cheers.) We demand of Congress the exercise of its time-honored power to prohibit Slavery in the Territories. (Cheers.)

We demand of Congress that it shall refuse to receive any new Slave State into the Union. (Cheers, repeated.) We demand the Abolition of the Domestic Slave Trade, so far as it can be constitutionally reached, but particularly on the high seas under the National Flag.

And, generally, we demand from the National Government, the exercise of all constitutional power to relieve itself from responsibility of Slavery. And yet one thing further must be done. The Slave Power must be overturned, so that the National Government may be put openly, actively, and perpetually on the side of Freedom. (Prolonged applause.)

II, pp. 415, 416.

QUESTIONS

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Works, Vol.

1. To what generation of American statesmen does Sumner belong? 2. How can you determine?

1. What kind of a student was Sumner? 2. What studies did he like best? 3. What was his scholarship at fifteen? 4. Discuss his personal appearance. 5.

What can you learn of him from his letter while at college? 6. What do you learn of Harvard customs? 7. Discuss his moral qualities. 8. His social. 9. Was he a thorough student? 10. What did he think of method in study? 11. What occupation did he believe was the noblest?

1. What was his first impression of Washington politics? 2. What of Slavery? 3. What reasons does he give to account for the growing Abolitionism of the North? 4. What was his impression of the Campaign of 1840? 5. Did he find country or party first thought of? 6. Find out what the "Creole" affair was. 7. Give his argument on the case. 8. Make a list of the evils he thinks he sees in American political life. 9 What was the great work of Horace Mann? 10. What did he think of Webster's speech of 1850? 11. When is a question settled? Was his answer always correct?

12. What did he think of the tariff?

1. Make a list of all the points he makes against slavery. 2. Make a list of the means he would use to destroy slavery. 3. Were his attacks on slavery of such a nature as to anger those attacked? 4. What was the result of the speech on Kansas? 5. How would he use Cuba if possible? Why?

1. What did Sumner think constituted the "True Grandeur of Nations"? 2. Summarize his arguments for peace. 3. What can be said on the other side? 4. Trace his views in regard to Mexican War. 5. Have his predictions been fulfilled?

3.

1. Estimate Sumner's character from his speeches 2. Estimate his oratorical power from them also. Was he a narrow, or broad minded man? 4. Compare him with either Adams, Webster, Clay, or Calhoun.

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