Gossrau observes rightly of the commentators, "Non animadverterunt non historiam narrari sed describi rem inenarrabilem." Recens' refers to the freshness and sharpness of Vulcan's work; but it also alludes to the constant renovation of the "casa Romuli" in the historical times of Rome, attested by Dionys. Ant. 1. 79. Vitruv. 2. 1 and other writers agree with Virg. in placing Romulus' hut on the Capitol Dionys. 1. c. puts it k Toû Παλαντίου ἐπὶ τῆς πρὸς τὸν ἱππόδρομον σTрepovσns λayóvos. For the different ways of reconciling or getting rid of this discrepancy see Lewis pp. 238 foll. His own explanation, that there were two huts, is hardly supported by the parallel he urges of duplicate relics preserved in different places, as there rivalry comes in as a motive for multiplying memorials, which cannot have been the case in Rome with its state religion: it is strange too that the fact of the existence of two should not have been mentioned by any ancient writer. Romuleo' again points to the renovation, which kept the hut as it was in Romulus' days, while at the same time we are meant to think of "Romulea" or "Romuli regia," the hut being all that Romulus had for his palace. Lewis' view seems to be supported by H. Jordan, Hermes 7, p. 193 foll.

655.] Heyne thought 'auratis' inconsistent with the previous line: Wagn. replies that the epithet merely refers to Vulcan's representation, not to the reality represented. As before, both objection and answer seem to proceed on a wrong conception of Virg.'s notion. Virg. was not bound to make Vulcan preserve exact historical perspective: he combines the thatched hut with the gilded temple of his own time as the best means of producing the effect he desires and impressing the image of the Capitol upon his reader's mind. 'Auratis' doubtless refers to Vulcan's mode of representation, like 'argenteus: but as the latter represents the actual colour of the bird, the former must represent the actual appearance of the building: otherwise the use of the epithet would point not to the strength of Vulcan's art but to its weakness. For

655

the gilding of the Capitol comp. v. 318. 'Hic' refers generally to the Capitol. The geese were left in the precinct of the temple of Juno in the Capitol. Volitans' gives the picture of the fluttering wings of the startled bird, as canebat' is doubtless meant to refer to its open mouth. Serv. says that an image of a goose in silver was actually kept in the Capitol in memory of the event.

656.] In limine' with 'adesse.'

657. Rom. has olli,' which Heyne prefers; but it doubtless came from a recollection of v. 594: nor is it likely, as Wagn. observes, that Virg., who is generally so abstinent in his use of the archaic form, should have introduced it twice in three lines. For the thickets see v. 348. Arcem tenebant: Livy says that one of them was on the top when the alarm was given. Virg. doubtless intends us to conceive of some as on the top, some as approaching through the woods.

658.] Dono' i. q. "beneficio," as in 2. 269. Night is doubtless the giver of the boon, not the boon given.

659.] "Habitus Gallorum bene expressus, etsi alieno fortasse loco" Heyne; another instance of forgetting the distinction between narrative and picture. The appearance and costume of the Gauls admitted of being expressed in metal, and Virg. takes advantage of the opportunity. For the hair of the Gauls Wagn. comp. Niebuhr vol. 1 note 1169. " Vestis' has been explained by Serv. and others of the beard, a sense which does not seem to occur elsewhere ("inpubem molli pubescere veste" Lucr. 5. 672 is most naturally taken as a metaphor) though it is supported by the use of "investis," a postclassical word, but one which may have been revived from earlier Latin (see Dictionaries). Whether there is authority for saying that the Gauls wore yellow garments (which would be naturally represented by gold) is not certain: Casaubon on Persius 6. 46 refers to Varro for the fact that they wore gausapa," and the "gausapa" of Caligula's captives, some of whom were Gauls, are said by Persius 1. c. to be yellow but I have not succeeded in verifying Casaubon's reference: not to men

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tion that the meaning of "gausapa "in Persius is disputed precisely in the same way as that of 'vestis' here. Sil. 4. 155 has "auro virgatae vestes" of the Celts, showing how he understood the present passage. 660.] Sagula' are the short military cloaks, apparently worn over the 'vestes.' These are 'virgata,' striped, an effect probably produced on the shield by inlaying. Serv. says that "virga" in the language of the Gauls means purple: it is used however for a stripe by Ov. A. A. 3. 269, where by the way the epithet happens to be " purpureis," and virgatus' in this sense occurs several times in the later poets. In Catull. 62 (64). 319 it has its natural meaning, made of osier. The Greek metaphor is the same, paßdwrós (see Lidd. and Scott). It is not said here that the stripes were of gold, as Sil. 1. c. appears to think, though possibly they were so represented by Vulcan. The whole is a picture to the eye, wrought in metal: and so 'lucent.' Lactea: the fairness of the skin of the Gauls was a natural object for an artist to seize on. Probably it was represented by silver.

661.] Auro innectuntur,' referring to the "torquis," which was a conspicuous part of the Gallic dress. The neck, as we should say, is fastened with gold. See on v. 277 above. The carrying two spears is common in Hom., and was usual among the ancient nations (Dict. A. Hasta). Comp. 1.313. 662.]Gaesa' Dict. A. Scutis longis:' Lersch § 31 quotes Livy 38. 21, "Scuta longa, ceterum ad amplitudinem corporis parum lata, male tegebant Gallos."

663.] He passes from historical events to institutions, by way of showing the ordinary life of Rome, and chooses of course those that were best suited for external effect. For the Salii and Luperci see Dict. A.

664.] The apex' was a pointed piece of olive wood, surrounded by a lock of wool,

660

665

and attached to the head either by fillets or by a cap: see Dict. A. It is naturally coupled with 'ancilia,' the introduction of both being ascribed to Numa. It was worn by the 'flamines' and also by the Salii, the latter of whom had charge of the 'ancilia.' 'Lapsa caelo' can hardly point to anything in the picture, so we must take it simply as a historical statement, accounting for the interest felt in these sacred relics.

665.] Extundere' G. 1. 133., 4. 315: here apparently of making raised figures. Ducebant sacra,' were moving in sacred procession, like "ducere pompam."

666.] Pilentis' Dict. A. 'Mollibus' seems to refer to the soft cushions of these cars, not, as Serv. thinks, to their moveableness. See on G. 2. 389. Niebuhr vol. 1 note 977 adopts Serv.'s view. "Nec procul hine" 1. 469.

667.] Heyne, Peerlkamp, and Ribbeck object to these lines as incongruous. At first sight the introduction of the infernal regions seems out of keeping with the rest of the portraiture. But we must consider that Virg.'s object here and elsewhere is to tell incidents pictorially and it doubtless seemed to him that he could not better distribute praise and blame, with the materials at his command, among national benefactors and national criminals than by representing their fortunes in the other world, which are as it were emblematic of the judgment of history. Catiline's death in battle would not have told its own story, nor would any event in Cato's life have represented the position which Virg. wishes to assign to him. in G. 3. 37 foll., Virg., wishing to express symbolically his reprobation of the enemies of Caesar, places them in the infernal world. "Taenarias etiam fauces, alta ostia Ditis" G. 4. 467. It is difficult to say whether 'alta' there and here is high or deep.

So

668, 669.] "Scelerum poenas" 11. 258. Heyne remarks that Catiline is chosen to

be the arch-criminal as one whom all parties were agreed to give up. 'Minaci pendentem scopulo' is understood by Heyne and later commentators as if Catiline were extended beneath a rock which threatened to fall on him, like the criminals in 6. 602. But this does not seem to suit 'pendentem.' It is surely more likely that he is represented as on the verge of a precipice, with a reference doubtless to the Tarpeian rock, just in the agony of falling into the abyss. The Furies then are probably to be understood as pursuing and driving him over the brink. Minaci' will be overhanging, and consequently precipitous. Turneb. V. L. 23. 3 rather strangely explains the words of Catiline lying unburied on the top of a lofty rock. 670.] Secretos' separated from the bad. Comp. Hor. 2 Od. 13. 22, and Epod. 16. 63. Cato must be the younger one, of Utica, as the contrast with Catiline and the functions assigned to the man seem to show. The elder Cato was an exemplar of old Roman virtue; but he is not celebrated as being, like the younger, a pattern of purity and sanctity in a dissolute age. The objection that a compliment paid to him might have been unacceptable to Augustus is sufficiently answered by the eulogies which Horace bestows on him 1 Od. 12. 35., 2. 1. 24. Peerlkamp objects that as a suicide he ought not to have appeared in Elysium, his place being in the Mourning Fields (6. 434 foll.): Thiel thinks he may have earned a place among the "ob patriam pugnando voluera passi,' 6. 660. But the fact is that Virg. did not aim at perfect consistency. It was enough for him that Cato was one who from his character in life might be justly conceived of as law-giver to the dead. His functions here seem not to be those of Minos or Rhadamanthus in Book 6, but rather those of the Homeric Minos (Od. 11. 568 foll.), who is a judge below because he had been n law-giver above, and apparently pronounces not on the deserts of the dead when in life but on their disputes among themselves in their ghostly state. Iura dare' would in strictness, as Mr. Long remarks, mean to make rules of law: ius dicere' or 'reddere' to administer justice but the two ideas might not be VOL. III.

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clearly distinguished in the poet's mind. See on 7. 246-8. The Homeric eμoTevew seems to contain both notions. 671.] It is not clear whether haec inter' is meant to be taken strictly, as if the sea were represented as winding among the other scenes, or whether all that is intended is that the sea came in along with the other representations. In Il. 18. 607, 608 the ocean river runs round the shield as a kind of border, but no action is represented as taking place there. Late' may go either with tumidi' or with 'ibat.' 'Ire' of continuous extension 5. 558.

672.] Spumabant' Med., spumabat' Pal., Rom., Gud. The latter would be somewhat harsh, and would give perhaps too great prominence to 'caerula.' Virg. apparently means that though the sea was made of gold, the effect of white billows was given, just as Hom. says Il. 18. 548 (already referred to on v. 654) that the blackness of the furrows was represented in gold. Possibly silver may have been used to represent the whiteness: but the Homeric parallel looks the other way, and the wonder would of course be enhanced if the effect could be produced by gold. 'Cano' is emphatic, if not 'caerula.' Enn. A. fr. inc. 27 has "aequora cana." Comp. also Lucr. 2. 767 "vertitur in canos candenti marmore fluctus," where the whole context is about the changes in the colour of the sea.

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673.] Argento clari' i. q. ex argento claro," as "auro gravia" 3. 464 i. q. "ex auro gravi." In orbem:' comp. the comparison of the evolutions of the tilters ("alternis orbibus orbis Inpediunt") to those of dolphins 5. 594.

674.] The structure of this line resembles that of 7. 34, "Aethera mulcebant cantu lucoque volabant." The introduction of the dolphins is probably from Hesiod, Shield 209 foll. woλλoí ye μèv àμμέσον αὐτοῦ Δελφίνες τῇ καὶ τῇ ἐθύνεον ἰχθυάοντες, Νηχομένοις ἄκελοι· δοιοὶ δ ̓ ἀναφυσιόωντες ̓Αργύρεοι δελφίνες ἐθοίνων

λonas ixous. It can hardly be meant here that they are introduced in the seapiece that follows; so we must suppose that the sea is represented as in Hom. as a natural object, part of it being occupied

L