A preliminary agendum for the September meeting is out and contains a large number of resolutions directed at the Workmen's Compensation Act. This much-vaunted measure which came into operation July, 1898, has now been a year in ope ration and although in isolated cases it may have been of benefit to individuals, the general effect is oppressive to labor.

First of all come the numerous insurance companies which offer to take all the risk from the employers' shoulders in return for a graded annual premium. Hundreds of these are at work and the price has been cut very fine owing to the excessive competition; so fine, in fact, that it pays employers to forego the alterations and repairs which would be effected in their factories and workshops if they, themselves, were directly responsible for compensation for injuries incurred by their workers through those defective installations. Part of the money thus saved from safety contrivances is used to pay an indemnity society premium, and the rest figures up on the consoling side of the profit and loss account.

Then, as in fixing the premium, the indemnity affixed takes into account the kind of men employed, and grants a rebate if they are young, active, clear-sighted workers not very liable to walk into danger, so the thrifty employer forces out all the old men and those at all physically defective. And they define the word "old" very narrowly across here, now, when you find that men in many walks of life are too "old" at forty, or even thirty! Again, as an injured married man can claim more compensation than an equally injured single man, the married workmen find job-getting a harder task than heretofore. Teetotallers are preferred to men who drink.

In fact the ideal workmen, now, from the average British large employer's standpoint, seems to be one who is between twenty-five and thirty, unmarried, without any parent or younger brothers or sisters dependent upon him, a total abstainer from things alcoholic, willing to work anyhow, anywhere, for any number of hours and for microscopic wages. No brain or soul for anything beyond the grindstone is necessary. This is a pretty big schedule, but none others need apply. If only nature would kindly oblige by arranging that workmen shall be born fully equipped for their work at 25 and that they shall die at 30 all might be well, but as she will not, the choice is between an automatic machine that will carry on all requisite labor operations-or a radical re-organization of industry.

Industrial movements have been of a quiet order during June. No dramatic strikes or lockouts of any size have taken place. A small excitement was caused by the action of the enteringclerks at a great city dry goods wholesale house. These young men, who work on the invoices and entry-of-goods work, were being kept at it for about fifteen or sixteen hours per day, time after

time; at last they protested. Two were dismissed. The others struck, an unheard-of thing with such a body of workers. It was a most respectable strike. Bishops even wrote encouraging letters, and the meeting of publicity attended by the strikers and their fellow-workers from other dry-goods warehouses, looked more like a Y. M. C. A. convention than a strike item. But the clerks won. hours were reduced to 12, and 500 of this class of workers have joined the National Amalgamated Union of Shop Assistants and Clerks.

The

The Edinburgh joinery dispute, after lasting 11 weeks, has been settled by the masters conceding all the men's demands. This is as it should be. The demands were of the slightest-an advance from 18 to 19 cents per hour and a few minor changes of working rules-the men were united, counsel was harmonious and the employers were, at least, amenable to reason. It is a straight-fromthe-shoulder victory for fair play and trade unionism.

A conference was held at Swansea last week to discuss the condition of work and wages in the much-to-be-deplored tin-plate trade. Representatives of the men and employers met and eventually it was decided that new arrangements should be entered into by means of which three or four thousand men will receive wage increases of from 25 cents to $1.25 per week. As I have before mentioned the mens' own organization smashed up a year or two ago, but latterly they have been organized in spasms by the Workers' Union, Dockers' Union, and the Iron and Steel Workers' Amalgamated Society of Wales.

Mention of the last society reminds me that the Scottish union, the Amalgamated Society of Steel and Iron Workers (late the Associated Society of Millmen) has put in a claim for an advance of 10 per cent. in blast furnacemens' wages owing to the great rise in the price of the commodity these men turn out. Founded in 1888, the society has nearly five thousand members, and $20,000 in reserve.

The last month has been the scene of numerous massed demonstrations of coal miners. The latest were those of the Staffordshire miners-addresses by Sam Woods, M. P., and W. Abrahams, M. P.; and the Derbyshire miners, addressed by several well-known speakers. At the end the 8-hour bill for miners was approved and the compensation act condemned. The policy of conciliation boards for the prevention of strikes and lockouts was also cordially favored and the old idea of a minimum wage was embodied in the resolutions.

"The most infamous wars are placed under the patronage of the Prince of Peace, as they used to be of old ascribed to Moloch or Belial. Let him who doubts that human civilization is now in need of faith in Humanity survey the international relations of the earth and the melancholy lessons of the abortive Conference of Peace."-FREDERIC HARRISON.

A Comparison of Day Labor and Contract System on Municipal Works.*

By F. HERBERT SNOW.

I.

The adoption of city labor has given satisfaction, and it will be continued. While the direct cost at first is somewhat greater, there are certain indirect features which have a most important bearing in favor of the system. The employment of citizens who would not otherwise have work, results undoubtedly in the circulation of almost their entire wages within the city limits, gives the city an opportunity to secure and permanently retain a number of picked men who are particularly careful or efficient on certain kinds of work requiring extra care and skill, and probably tends to obviate the necessity of charitable disbursements.

At the Brockton price, the laborer can earn enough to support his family in fair shape, and save a little besides.

The employment of city labor also precludes the possibility of law suits from contractors, and the engineering expenses are also reduced.

CITY WORK SHOULD BE ARRANGED TO AFFORD REGULAR EMPLOYMENT.

In this city the number of laborers, taken from the city directory-which may or may not be correct-is about 600.

We have found that shoe operatives can not stand it to work in the trenches. The laborers are almost all employed on public or private work during the months that construction work is in progress. If a sudden call should be made for a large amount of extra work to be done in one season (as was the case on the grade crossing work and the sewerage system), and the work should be required to be done by city labor, the result would be the immigration of outside labor that would be stranded here in following years.

While Brockton maintains the standard of wages of not less than $2.00 for 9 hours' work-which is not such a munificent sum after all, for able-bodied men, when it is considered that the men are not employed for anything like the entire year-and wishes the example might be followed every where, so that laborers could obtain a decent living for themselves and their families, yet it would seem unjust that one city should be called upon to support much more than its full quota of laborers; and, therefore, in the interests of the laborers of

*Standard city wage:-$2.00 for 9 hours. Contract wage:-$1.25 to $1.50 for 10 hours. Editor American Federationist:

I enclose important report received from Mr. F. Herbert Snow, City Engineer, Brockton, Mass., showing careful comparison of contract and day labor work for four years. Also a letter from Mr. Snow on this subject.

The report shows that day labor cost the city in 1896, 52 per cent. more than would have been the cost by contract labor, and in 1897 the cost was 23 per cent, more. The comparison, however, was made with contract prices at which the contractors lost money, so that ordinarily the difference would not be so great. Notwithstanding this extra cost the day labor system has been permanently adopted by the city, for reasons stated in the report and letter. J. R. COMMONS.

Yours,

this city, the public work should be laid out in advance, the finances of the city be forecasted with this in view, with the ultimate result that the supply of laborers would approximately equal the demand.

To state the proposition over, it would seem a fair policy that the city departments do a certain amount of work each year, which it is reasonable to believe will occur regularly from year to year, by a class of permanent laborers, at fair wages; that if an attempt is made to do any unusual amount of work by city labor it must result simply in the encouragement of a large number of new laborers to settle in the city, with no hope for future employment, and to the detriment of the laborers now here, thereby bringing upon the city of Brockton more than its proportionate share of maintaining a fair wage.

RELATIVE QUALITY OF CITY AND CONTRACT WORK. As affairs are now conducted, cases arise where it seems necessary to do work by contract. It is often almost compulsory for small towns and cities to hire a contractor, on account of the expensive plant necessary, and the lack of enough experienced local men to perform the particular work in hand. Contractors are a useful class of business men, not necessarily or usually rascals, but who in many cases stand up against a heavy loss and complete their work in a satisfactory manner. Several notable examples of this have been afforded here in Brockton. The probable reason for the local opposition to the contract system is on account of the introduction of foreign labor, the great differ ence in prices between this labor and local wages and the justice of the principle that local help should be given the preference.

ence.

As for the quality of the work, there should, in our opinion, under the same engineer, be no differThe city furnishes all materials upon which there might be a chance to cheat, and the amount which could be saved on the laying of the pipeswhich in itself is usually an insignificant part of the total cost is absolutely out of proportion to the trouble of bribing the inspector and engineer, who have reputations to make and maintain, even if they had an inclination to cheat; and so, for that matter, has the contractor, who has large interests at stake and who has the same inducements, and perhaps more, to maintain a business reputation for honesty than most any other manufacturer or business man.

Again, a reserve is always kept back to repair any faulty work, and the contractor often shows an anxiety to obtain good work, almost equal to the engineer, as anything poorly executed could not fail to make him an amount of trouble entirely disproportionate to any possible saving on the

labor.

INSPECTION.

The principal troubles to contend with are ignor. ance and carelessness, and they will be encountered

whether work is done by contract or city labor. On contract work it is necessary to keep an inspector on the ground at all times, yet we consider him almost equally necessary on city work where a large number of masons are employed, for while you may have one or two regular men in whom you have perfect confidence, it is almost impossible to get an entire gang upon whom one could depend to be as careful as necessary; and we consider it of doubtful expediency to omit the inspector on pipe sewers built by the city, as there is always considerable clerical work, and the poling of the pipe, which takes more of the foreman's attention than is desirable, or if the foreman does not do it, one of the men must. The inspector should be a man of some engineering experience, and in this way considerable is saved on the engineering. DIFFERENCE IN PAY AND WORK OF TWO CLASSES OF UNSKILLED LABOR.

In Brockton the city rate of pay is 22 cents per hour. Italian laborers receive from 12 to 15 cents per hour; thus the city rate is about 50 per cent. more. Another fertile source of difference is in the ratio which the cost of the cheap labor bears to the entire cost of the work. On some work, as for instance, a very large sewer in a shallow cut, the cheap labor might run as low as 17 per cent. of the whole, and on small pipe sewers the ratio may average over 50 per cent. In the former case a raise of 50 per cent. on the cheap labor would mean only an increase of about 8 per cent. on the entire work, while in the latter it would amount to 25 per cent. Our experience has been that, in the average year, the materials on contract work have cost about 40 per cent. of the entire work, and that of the 60 per cent. paid for labor, about 70 per cent. could be done by cheap labor as well as any other. This would mean an additional cost of about 21 per cent., provided that the men did the same amount of work; and right here lies the point of the whole question. Many claim that the better paid man, being better fed, more intelligent, and of better physique, can do more work. It must be borne in mind, however, that where intelligent work is required, we hire a certain number of men to do it. On the other work it is almost impossible to use any great degree of intelligence, and our experience has not led us to conclude from the figures on sewers that the better paid common laborer does any more work, although we have no doubt that in case of great emergency he would be able to. The fact that contractors hire Italians almost exclusively for this class of work, is pretty conclusive evidence that it is cheaper.

THE QUESTION ONE OF PRUDENCE, NOT OF FIRST

COST.

From our experience, we can not take the stand that city labor is cheaper on first cost. For the benefit of other places it should be stated that many of Brockton's laborers are well-to-do and respected citizens; their children have graduated

from the high school, and are occupying respectable positions in the community. It is a matter of local pride with a majority of all classes that the laborers are paid what is termed a living wage.

The issue has been fairly met and settled by this department, not upon the assumption that city labor is cheaper, but upon the broader basis of sound public policy.

COMPARISONS VERY UNSATISFACTORY AND LIABLE TO BE MOST UNFAIR.

City labor is cheaper in some cases than contract labor, and in others the reverse is true. The wide difference in ratio of skilled to common labor, in kinds of work, whether sewers are pipe or large brick structures, whether in shallow or deep cut, and the difference in prices paid contract and local labor, all materially affect the results of comparisons, so that such between cities may mean nothing unless all the conditions are carefully stated.

A set of streets have been picked out in this city where the work was done by city labor, and the cost was less than if it had been done by contract. This is so because the contractor's prices were for a whole season's work, both hard and easy work, while the streets we have picked out are the cheapest streets to construct, and hence show a considerable gain for city labor. If anyone were so disposed, these instances could be cited to support city labor. Again it might happen, that a few easy streets would comprise a whole season's work, and the resulting figures might be given out by a man of limited experience with perfect honesty.

The streets which have been constructed by city labor at an actual saving over contract prices are as follows: (The figures do not include materials furnished by the city.)

It will be seen that these streets, while representing a considerable gain, are almost all very short, and although the percentage is considerable, the gross amount saved is small.

A very good illustration of the varying relation between conditions and results is afforded as follows: The same gang of city men were employed on three streets; on the first 94 per cent. was lost, on the second 37 per cent. was saved, and on the third 36 per cent. was lost. The streets were as follows:

The question we are to determine is whether the direct actual cost is greater in employing city over contract labor, and if so, why, and how much greater. It must be remembered that our observations have been confined entirely to sewers, and will not apply to other kinds of work.

We will first consider the cost for the season's work of 1894. The specifications for that year required that the contractor should submit two bids, one based on using city labor, and the other without restrictions as to labor. The bids presented by the contractors for 25 separate pieces of work showed a difference of 14 to 28 per cent. extra cost if city labor had been employed. The totals for all bids were as follows. Actual cost of work: Labor, $21,545.55; material, $14,438.75; total, $35,984.30. Extra cost if city labor had been employed, $7,118.51-20 per cent.

Southern Textile Workers.

By PRINCE W. GREENE.

My visits to the unorganized cotton-mill districts of the Southern States, as an Organizer of the American Federation of Labor, very forcibly impressed me with the painful fact that in many cases the half has never yet been told concerning the deplorable condition of some of the textile workers of the "Sunny South." The awful and pitiable condition of these overworked, oppressed people is a curse to humanity, a shame to civilization, and presents a striking example of the reign of selfishness instituted by men of the proprietary classes.

I find little, pale, pinched faced children labor- . ing the long hours, with no hopes of ever becoming anything more than tramps or criminals if their conditions continue to grow worse. These little children can never hope to grow up into other than a suffering, hopeless heap of helpless, undeveloped manhood and womanhood; stunted by overwork, oftimes beginning at the tender age of six years, and the utter impossibility of being able to procure the necessaries of life.

There is no legally established number of hours of work in the majority of mills other than the inhuman law established by the employers, viz. : "Work them as long as they can stand;" a law

enforced on human beings with the same emphasis and lack of feeling as on cattle, the difference, if any, being in favor of the latter, as they are, in the estimation of the employer, worth more by fifteen or twenty dollars per head. To use a common expression, the mill operatives of the South "work all day and both ends of the night."

As to the rights enjoyed by these workers, they have none. For an employer to sit and listen to the demands of right and justice coming from his employes; such a thing would be regarded as preposterous-and even as treacherous in some local

ities.

Lost time caused by breaking down of machinery, freezing of pipes, high water, etc., is made up on the rule of three to one; one hour lost time to the company necessitating three hours gratis work on the part of the help.

The right or privilege of selecting their place of abode is not left to the employes wherever the company owns houses-these being in many instances mere "shacks," ventilated on top, bottom and sides; the operatives must live in company houses, and the rent therefor is held back in the office. The employes are compelled to trade at the company store, and each member of every family must pay so much per month for the services of a physician chosen and settled with by the company.

In payment for the long hours of toil, the companies issue to the operatives home-made money, commonly known as the "check system." Gold, greenbacks and silver are fast becoming a past currency so far as the mill operatives are concerned. Wherever the check system is in vogue the employes, with their small wages, high house-rent, and company store profits on goods consumed, have nothing left to "cash in." If perchance some individual's check-book is not thoroughly perforated by the company store check-punch, then the "docking system" is brought to play a prominent part in that case, with the inevitable result that very few have anything to cash in, but on the contrary soon find themselves in debt to the company, which prevents them from leaving and seeking work elsewhere. Thus every member of a family is compelled to give the first and best end of their lives to the manufacturer, and when the time comes that little children take their places they must spend the remainder of their lives in pauper institutions or become a burden on relatives who are not able to take care of themselves.

Not Built That Way.

By HENRY WHITE.

In a recent editorial in the Evening Journal the following advice is offered to the American Federation of Labor:

Get your million men to act and vote together. Get them to find among themselves or outside of themselves a man of real power to lead them. Instead of discussing forever little petty details, aim at big national results. Instead of barring politics, mistrusting each other, and being made fools of at every election, act as politicians. Use your one big tool, the ballot. Swing each year a vote of one million power. Then you will get results without waiting for another million of men. What an enormous backing is a body of one million organized intelligent workingmen. What a power would such support give to a leader of true genius.

Now, Mr. Editor, your advice is well intended, and the same questions have been asked a million times before, but the one answer given to the alluring probabilities which your questions imply is that the one million men you refer to are bound together for a different purpose; and that with another object in view, these million men would cease to be the grand body which invokes your admiration. The vast membership of the Federation

of Labor is due to the very fact that they have come together, according to their respective callings for the simple and direct purpose of securing a larger compensation for their work, shorter hours, better treatment and more independence, and notwithstanding all the possibilities of other methods, this is the only way in which working people have ever gained a larger influence in society, or secured a greater share in the benefits of civilization. The very coming together of these million men for this purpose enables them to understand their individual and joint interest better, and makes it possible for them to vote as citizens more intelligently with regard to their special political interests. How easy it is to say, "swing the power of such an organization" this way or that way politically?

Now, good Editor, as one of that great army referred to, would you kindly tell us, who should do the swinging, and how we should be swung, also how you can make each one of these million individuals agree upon any political policy when each division of workers have come together in response to their peculiar trade interests, and that alone?

There is a labor organization, or rather the remains of one, having a fancy name, which can be swung for a consideration. We do not know what the price would be, but it can be approximated by reference to its official organ, which after the late presidential campaign, mentioned the amount received from the National Campaign Committee. But when the same article is brought to the same market too often, and begging for a purchaser, it can be bought at a very low price.

Order Out of Chaos.

WHAT EIGHTEEN MEN HAVE ACCOMPLISHED IN ONE SHORT YEAR.

The first anniversary of the founding of the Federal Labor Union, of Canton, Ill., occurred on July 18, and on the following day the leading papers of that truly progressive city commemorated the event by admirably written articles appreciatory of the grand work that has made Canton illustrious.

The task was onerous; but we have cut the gordian knot by presenting to our readers the ar ticle published by the Daily Cantonian, as follows:

On Wednesday evening, July 19, was held the regular meeting of the local Federal Labor Union. Three candidates were admitted to membership and the applications of several others were acted upon. The large blackboard on which is to be listed the "unfair" shops and stores, has been put in place, and the stores and barber shops listed as "unfair" by the trades assembly will be placed thereon. It is said that a number of other merchants who have been opposing the unions, will have their names added to the list unless conditions are changed.

A number of interesting talks were made, the principal one being by State Organizer Samuel Pascoe. His talk was devoted mostly to the consideration of the wage scale at the City mills. The scale that had been adopted provided for a 10-hour day and 12 cents per hour. This was, after farther consideration, decided to be too low, and as the proprietors are willing to grant a higher rate of pay, the change will be made, probably to an 8 hour day.

There is probability that the membership fee will be raised, nearly all the workingmen now being members.

Tuesday, July 18, was the first anniversary of the

the beginning of the Federation of Labor in Canton. On that date, one year ago, was established Federal Labor Union, No. 7125. Eighteen workingmen formed the charter membership, and outside of their number only a few of the cigarmakers knew of the existence of the union. The meetings were held in secret and the members slipped stealthily up the stairway to the room on the east side of the square where they had their headquarters. Their actions had to be guarded as though they were criminals and all because this town was distinctly a non-union town, and the feeling against trade unionism was intense.

Every man was afraid that should it become known he belonged to a labor union he would lose his job. But their cause was founded on right, and the yearnings of the laboring men for better conditions found in this union a hope for the future. Steadily the membership grew, each member working quietly to influence others to comprehend that the time had come for a change of conditions.

The movement was successful beyond the most fanciful dreams of its founders and today the unions stand out in the broad light of publicity unshrinking and unafraid, but proud of their strength and in the righteousness of their cause. The transition has been remarkable in so short a time. No longer do the workingmen fear to acknowledge that they belong to a union, but all proudly announce their position.

From its dozen or more of members the Federation has grown to number more than 1,000 on its rolls, 968 of whom are in good standing. Out of the Federation has developed the union of the trades and in the year just passed there have been chartered here the Painters', Brickmasons', Printers', Tailors', Bakers', Carpenters', Miners', Blacksmiths', Barbers' and Clerks' Unions, and from these have been formed the Trades and Labor Assembly. On May 1, when Gompers was here, eight unions had been formed; now the number is 12, all excepting the Cigarmakers' Union having been the marvelous result of the banding of the few on July 18, one year ago.

In these columns some time ago was reviewed the result of the organization of the trades in the general advance of conditions to a more satisfactory plane, and the statement may be repeated that what has been accomplished has far exceeded all that had been even hoped for. The city laborers, the painters, the carpenters, the printers, the brickmasons, all the members of all the unions, are receiving better wages, and in many instances have shorter hours of work.

Many looked askance on the change in the labor movement here, and dire prophecies of disturbance and a general overturning of existing conditions were heard on every hand. All but a few, however, have been agreeably disappointed and those few, out of their hostility to the laboringman, who desires to better his condition, and who would gladly see them toil as slaves rather than as freeborn American citizens-those few are disappointed because Canton has not been the scene of riots, strikes and turmoil in general.

The workingmen were intelligent and knew they could gain their point through the power of association, while if they took any improper course they knew they would hazard what they already had secured. The first year of unionism in Canton has been a memorable one and the prospects for a future beneficial to workingmen and all are bright. All fair-minded citizens wish the Federation a long and influential life, and that with each succeeding anniversary of the date of its founding the same good words may be said of it that can be said today.