Incipit, et vivo temptat praevertere amore narrating an absurd etymology from ǎkides, cares, explains the word from the Acidalian spring near Orchomenus in Boeotia, where the Graces, Venus' attendants, bathed. The one other author who has used the word is Martial, who speaks, 6. 13. 5, of Venus' zone as "nodus Acidalius," and 9. 14. 3, of" Acidalia arundo," as a pen with which Venus would write, apparently a reed growing by the spring. 66 721.] Serv. (who is followed by Wund.) explains praevertere,' praeoccupare, propter Iunonem." Comp. "capere ante dolis," v. 673. But the meaning more probably is, to surprise her unguarded heart-her long devotion to the dead having made her cease to regard love as any thing but a thing of the past. So 'vivo amore' is love for a living object, and consequently itself living and real. 722.] 'Resides' is coupled with 'desueta' in the only other passages in Virg. where it occurs, 6. 813., 7. 693. 723-756.] The feast proceeds. Dido makes a libation to Jupiter, Bacchus, and Juno, and prays that the Carthaginians and Trojans may be united. The time passes in song and talk, till Dido begs Aeneas to tell the whole story of the fall of Troy and his seven years of wandering.' 723.] Postquam prima quies epulis, when they first paused from the feast. Comp. Livy 21. 5. 9, "Cum prima quies silentiumque ab hostibus fuit" (quoted by Wagn.). Postquam prima' is equivalent to "cum primum." There may be a notion of the actual noise of the banquet, which is succeeded by a pause, and then by the sound of conversation ("fit strepitus tectis," &c.). 'Mensae remotae:' see on v. 216 above. The cups came in with the "mensae secundae" at a Roman meal. Comp. G. 2. 101. Hor. 4 Od. 5. 31. For remotae' Pal. a m. p. has "repostae." 724.] 'Statuunt,' as Henry remarks, is 725 725.] For 'fit' some inferior MSS. have it,' which is supported by several passages in Virg., especially 4. 665, "it clamor ad alta Atria," 5. 451, "It clamor caelo," acknowledged by Serv., and adopted by Ribbeck. Tectis' then would "ad tecta." Fit strepitus' however is paralleled by "fit sonitus" 2. 209, fit gemitus" 6. 220, and agrees exactly with "facta silentia tectis" just below, v. 730. This would seem to show that the noise begins after the pause made by clearing away the food, as suggested on v. 723. Thus tectis' will have the sense in the hall.' The Longobardic MS. and a few others read alta' here for 'ampla,' probably from 4. 665. Vocem volutant of the talkers, as "volutant murmura of the winds 10. 98. "Vocem volutant" is said 5. 149 of the shores that echo the sound, a sense which some have wished to impart here, making perampla' one word. The commentators comp. Od. 1. 365, μνηστήρες δ ̓ ὁμάδησαν ἀνὰ μέγαρα októevra. وو 726.] The mention of the lamps here seems to show that they are now first lighted, so that incensi' is emphatic. 727.] Lucretius (5.295) has " "pendentes lychni," which he distinguishes from "pingues taedae." Funalia' appear to be tapers formed of a twist of some fibrous plant covered with wax. Varro ap. Servium. The formlychini' is preferred by Ribbeck from some MSS., and is supported by Lucr. 1. c., where the MS. reading is 'lyclini.' Ribbeck refers to Ritschl, Mus. Phil. 10. 450, A Belo soliti; tum facta silentia tectis; 730.] 'Soliti' sc. implere mero.' Comp. 9. 300, "Per caput hoc iuro per quod pater ante solebat." It is doubtful whether 'a Belo' means descended from Belus, or from the time of Belus; but analogy seems rather in favour of the latter. Belus here is not Dido's father (v. 621), but the supposed founder of the Tyrian dynasty. "Tum facta silentia linguis' 11. 241. The silence is natural enough when the queen is going to speak (comp. Alcinous' address to the herald Od. 7. 178). Serv. however has a note which seems to show that it was a regular custom at a certain period of the banquet, though I do not profess to understand all his words: "Mos erat apud veteres ut lumini incenso (?) silentium praeberetur, ut optativam sibi laudem loquendo nullus averteret. Apud Romanos etiam, cena edita (?) sublatisque mensis primis silentium fieri solebat, quoad ea quae de cena libata fuerant ad focum ferrentur et igni darentur, ac puer Deos propitios nuntiasset, ut Diis honor haberetur tacendo: quae res cum intercessit inter cenandum, Graeci quoque Bear Tαpovolav dicunt." In the imitation by Val. F. 2. 347, silence is mentioned: "Sacris dum vincitur extis Prima fames, circum pateris it Bacchus, 730 735 Troiaque profectis' 4. 111. With the wish in the next line contrast the imprecation 4. 622 foll. 734.] Hesiod, Works 614, Apa Aivúœov ñaλvynléos. Bona Iuno: Juno the giver of blessings; "bene sit" being the common form of wishing health, as Cerda remarks: not adsit bona' as Wagn. thinks. Serv. mentions another reading "adsis." 735.] Comp. 8. 173, "sacra...celebrate faventes," and see on 5. 71. Dido first bespeaks the favour of the gods, then that of her people, begging them to make the gathering auspicious. Comp. generally "celebratur omnium sermone laetitiaque convivium" Cic. 2 Verr. 1. 26. Coetus' of a festive gathering Catull. 62 (64). 33, 385, 407. 736.] In mensam '-the altar, as it were, of Hospitable Jove. "In mensam laeti libant" 8. 279. This use of a table for libation is questioned by one of the interlocutors in Macrob. Sat. 3. 11, and supported by another, who adduces a passage from Papirius the ritualist lawyer, where a table dedicated to Juno is said to be used as an altar. From this he argues that the table in 8. 279 had doubtless been dedicated along with the "ara maxuma" in the present case he thinks the libation was less formal, being prac tised by Dido alone (contrast "omnes" 8. 278), who as a queen had certain immunities. Lersch, who quotes this and other passages § 66, seems to ignore the distinction. In Hom. at any rate there are libations where there is no mention of altars (Il. 16. 230 foll.). Laticum honorem,' the offering which consists of wine. The ' mensa seems to be the "mensa secunda," that being the time of the feast when libations took place. We may observe that nothing is said here of the delicacies accompanying the second course, though they appear to be glanced at 8. 283. 737.] Libato," not "honore libato," but the impersonal participle used absolutely. 740 Tum Bitiae dedit increpitans; ille inpiger hausit See Madvig, § 429. With 'summo tenus court. 739.] Pleno se proluit auro.' "Swilled himself with the full gold." Trapp. The commentators comp. Hor. 1S. 5. 16, "multa prolutus vappa." 740.] The bard is introduced at the feast in imitation of Hom., Od. 1. 325 foll. and 8. 499 foll. Mr. Gladstone must have forgotten this passage and also 9. 774 foll., when he notices (Homeric Studies, vol. 3, P. 532) as a significant fact that Virg. "has no where placed on his canvas the figure of the bard among the abodes of men."- Crinitus.' Long hair was part of the costume of bards, in imitation of Apollo. See Cerda's note. Serv. on v. 738 says "Iopas unus de procis Didonis, ut Punica testatur historia." If this is not an error for Iarbas,' we must suppose that Virg. here as elsewhere has chosen to take a hint from chroniclers to whom it did not suit him to incur a larger debt. which has the authority of Serv., " quae legendum est, non quem," and some MSS. Were the change worth making, the MSS. would scarcely stand in the way, as 'e' is often written for ae,' and QVEMAXVMVS might be interpreted either way (see on G. 2. 219). Atlas in Hom. Od. 1.52 knows the depths of the sea and supports the pillars of earth and heaven, the epithet given to him being bλobopwv. He seems also to have been a sort of mythical representative or progenitor of physical philosophers, among whom he is recorded by Diogenes Laertius. Being identified with the African mountain, he is naturally chosen by Virg. here as the instructor of a Carthaginian bard. For the conception of Iopas see note on G. 2. 477, and comp. the song of Orpheus Apoll. R. 1. 496 foll., and that of Virg.'s own Silenus, which is imitated from it, E. 6. 31 foll. 742.] Errantem lunam,' the revolutions of the moon. G. 1. 337, "Quos ignis caeli Cyllenius erret in orbis." For 'solis labores' see on G. 2. 478. Henry's attempt to make 'labores' here mean simply revolutions is refuted by that passage and by Prop. 3. 26. 52, there quoted, and not supported by Sil. 14. 348, “ atque una pelagi lunaeque labores," which is merely a zeugma. Labores,' as he says, are toils; but an eclipse may be one of the moon's toils, as a storm of the sea's. 743.] Unde hominum genus,' &c. This is among the first subjects of the songs of Orpheus and Silenus. 'Imber' the element of water. Comp. Lucr. 1.714, “Et qui quattuor ex rebus posse omnia rentur, Ex igni terra atque anima procrescere et imbri." 744.] Pluvias' is a translation of 'Hyadas.' Comp. note on v. 293. Some inferior MSS. give "Pleiadas" or " "Pliadas " for 'pluvias.' Triones' see on G. 3. 381 : here the Great and Little Bear are meant. The line is repeated 3. 516, where, as here and G. 1. 138, the enumeration is meant as a poetical equivalent for the stars generally. Comp. Il. 18. 484. 104 P. VERGILI MARONIS AENEID. LIB. I. Multa super Priamo rogitans, super Hectore multa; 745 750 755 745.] For this and the next line see horses of Diomedes of Thrace, Lucr. 5. 29. G. 2. 481, 482 and note. 747.] For the absolute use of ingemino' comp. G. 1. 333, ingeminant austri et densissimus imber." Some inferior MSS. give 'plausum,' with the Schol. on Lucan. 1. 133. The natives are naturally made to set the fashion, the strangers to follow it, as Serv. remarks. 748.] "Traherent per talia tempus" 6. 537 note. See also on G. 3. 379, where I have explained 'noctem ducere,' 'trahere,' of speeding along. But it is very difficult to say, as the more usual sense of trahere' when applied to time is to protract (see the Lexicons), and the reference here may be to the length to which the conversation continued into the night. Perhaps Virg. intended to blend the two notions, in spite of their apparent inconsistency, meaning no more than that the conversation lasted the whole night long. 749.] She drank in love with the words of Aeneas. Longum' probably refers to the notion of length contained in traheLongum amorem "3. 487 note. Serv. says "Alludit ad convivium. Sic Anacreon, pwтα nívwv:" but this can hardly be meant. bat.' 66 750.] "Multa super Lauso rogitat" 10. 839. 751.] Quibus armis.' See note on v. 489. "Quibus ibat in armis" 9. 269. 752.] Quales Diomedis equi.' No especial praise is given to the horses of Diomede in the Iliad, though high praise is given to those which he takes from Aeneas 11. 5. 263 foll.), and with which he wins the chariot-race (Il. 23. 377 foll.), as also to those which he takes from Rhesus (II. 10. 567). Serv. thinks that these are meant to be the descendants of the flesh-eating It is possible that there may be some confusion between the names; it is possible too that Virg. may have remembered the prowess of Diomede's horses in the chariotrace, without recollecting that they were once Aeneas' own. Generally too he may have remembered that Diomede was in a chariot when he encountered Aeneas. That he refers to this encounter and also to that of Achilles with Aeneas is almost certain from 10, 581, where Liger says to Aeneas, "Non Diomedis equos, non currum cernis Achilli."- Quantus,' how terrible in war. Comp. quantus In clypeum assurgat" 11. 283, said by Diomede himself of Aeneas. The notion of bulk is prominent, but not, as Henry thinks, the only one. 753.] Immo,' nay rather, instead of answering more questions in detail, tell us the whole story from the first. 754.] Tuorum' and 'tuos' are distinguished, as in the one case Dido is thinking of those who perished at Troy, in the other of Aeneas who escaped. În answering the question 2. 10 Aeneas classes himself with his friends, nostros." casus 755.] Portat errantem' should be taken closely together. Septuma post Troiae exscidium iam vertitur aestas, Cum freta, cum terras omnis .. ferimur" 5. 626. The form of Dido's words shows that she knew the time of the fall of Troy not from Aeneas, but from Teucer (v. 623), or from common fame. The general meaning is, 'You have the experiences of seven years to tell it will be better that we should hear them continuously, the story being as long as it is.' P. VERGILI MARONIS AENEIDOS LIBER SECUNDUS. THE voice of criticism has unanimously fixed on this book, along with the Fourth and Sixth, as affording the best evidence of the true greatness of Virgil. Whether or no we believe the story told in Donatus' biography, that the poet himself chose these three books to read to Augustus as a specimen of his work, it indicates at any rate the judgment passed by antiquity; and modern opinion has not been slow to ratify the verdict. The conception of the present book is eminently fortunate. Homer had made Ulysses tell the story of his wanderings to Alcinous, and so had supplied the canvas on which the younger artist might work: but the tale of Troy taken forms no part of the narrative of the Odyssey: it is briefly sung by a bard, whose strains move the tears of Ulysses, as the Trojan portraits at Carthage have moved those of Aeneas; but that is all. It was open to Virgil to make his hero tell the whole story of the destruction of Troy without trespassing on Homer's ground; and he seized the opportunity. The subject could not fail to be most impressive, and it is introduced with perfect propriety. Dido, it is true, knew the main incidents of the siege; but that was all the more reason why she should wish to hear them from the chief living witness on the side of Troy. Virgil too has shown his wisdom not only in what he has said, but in what he has left unsaid. Dido's curiosity would naturally extend over the whole ten years; but the poet knew that a detail of the siege, natural as it might be, would weary his readers. He tells us that the queen asked of Priam and Hector, of Diomede and Achilles; but he does not require us to listen to Aeneas till he can concentrate our attention on the last agony of Troy,' the one night in which the city was taken and sacked. The taking of Troy was, as might be expected, a favourite subject with poets before Virgil. It formed part of the epic cycle; it was treated by the masters of the Greek drama. Of these works the only one that has come down to us is the Troades of Euripides; and even that has its scene laid after the catastrophe, which it deals with only by way of retrospect. We know enough of the others to be assured that the main incidents in Virgil's narrative-the story of the Trojan horse, the introduction of Sinon, the tragic death of Laocoon-are taken from his predecessors. It would have been unnatural if it had not been so. Custom bound Virgil to follow the legend in its main bearings as he had received it, though it left him quite free, as I have contended in the general Introduction to the Aeneid, to vary minor details, and give his own colour to the whole. How far Virgil is original in the minutiae of his treatment, we cannot tell. Macrobius indeed makes one of his interlocutors (Sat. 5. 2) speak of it as a fact known to every schoolboy, that the story of this book is taken almost word for word from one Pisander, who wrote a mythological history of the world in verse; but |
