the wish to raise yourself to theirs. The former repines at another's success; the latter prompts you to achieve the same by laudable means. Ἐπιεικές ἐστιν ὁ ζῆλος, καὶ ἐπιεικῶν· τὸ δὲ φθονεῖν φαῦλον, καὶ φαύλων· ὁ μὲν γὰρ αὐτὸν παρασκευάζει διὰ τὸν ζῆλον τυγχάνειν τῶν ἀγαθῶν· ὁ δὲ τὸν πλησίον μὴ ἔχειν διὰ τὸν φθόνον. (Aristotle, “Rhetoric," ii, 12.) And such is the difference betwen envy and emulation. As Pope says: " Envy, to which th' ignoble mind's a slave, Is emulation in the learned and brave." 55 ̓Αγὼν στεφανίτης: a contest in which the prize is a wreath. Æschines ("Contr. Ctesiph.," 73) says of Leodamas, that he was as good a speaker as Demosthenes. Διαδικασία was a technical term for that process in Athenian law by which different parties contested their claims to an inheritance. It was applied also to some other cases of disputed claims. ** For which he has had no recompense. This is left to be understood, as Schaefer and Pabst admonish us. * Παθεῖν was the term strictly applied to corporal punishment; ἀποτίσαι to pecuniary mulcts or fines. * More literally, " And informations shall be allowed against himor lie against him." * Persons who were indebted to the state at Athens were subject to ἀτιμία, or disfranchisement, however the debt was contracted. Thus, if a magistrate, who had received any of the public moneys, had not accounted for them, or if a lessee of public property did not pay the rents when they became due, or if a man sentenced to pay a fine did not pay it immediately, he was ipso facto disfranchised, and so forbidden to exercise any of his civil rights until the debt was paid. If he died in debt, the misfortune extended to his children. But he or they might at any time relieve themselves by settling the account with the state; for the object was not so much to punish the debtor as to enforce the collection of public money. Cimon, the son of Miltiades, before he could engage in political affairs or assume the rank of a citizen, was compelled to pay a fine of fifty talents, which had been imposed upon his father; and it is said that the money was advanced by Callias, in return for the hand of his sister Elpinice. Besides this indirect method of enforcing payment of the public debts, the law of Athens provided other stringent means for the same purpose. The names of all debtors were returned to the Πράκτορες, or collectors of the treasury, whose duty it was to demand the money and pay it over to the ̓Αποδέκται, or receivers, and also to return to them the names of all defaulters. A registry of these was kept by the ̓Αποδέκται in the Ὀπισθόδομος, the interior cell of the Parthenon, which was used for the state treasury. If the debtor did not pay before the end of the ninth Prytany-that is, before the expiration of forty-five weeks-his debt was doubled, and proceedings were taken to levy it by sale of his property. Special inquisitors, called Ζητηταὶ, were sometimes appointed to discover what property the debtor had. But in general this was done by an informer, who delivered an inventory of the debtor's effects to the council, and received for his reward three fourths of their value. The council handed over the inventory to the Πωλῆται, who sold the property therein specified by auction, or so much thereof as was required to satisfy the debt. Wilful murder was tried by the Areopagus. Other cases of homicide were by the laws of Draco assigned to the jurisdiction of the Ephetæ. A notice to the murderer to keep away from all public places and (Compare " sacrifices was usually given by the prosecutor at the funeral of the deceased, and a similar warning was afterward given by the KingArchon, when the charge had been preferred before him. We must understand that murder was considered at Athens not only a crime, but a pollution in a religious point of view, from the contagion of which it was necessary to keep the people free. Hence it was that the trial of the offence took place in the open air. The pollution extended even to cases of unintentional homicide that were not wholly excusable, and was supposed to continue until the manslayer had expiated it by the proper ceremonies. (See Æschylus, "Eumenides," 228, 423, etc.) Justifiable homicide, however, left the party who committed it wholly pure. The denunciation of the murderer of Laius, put in the mouth of Edipus by Sophocles, is borrowed from the form of Attic law, according to the custom of the tragedians: Τὸν ἀνδρ ̓ ἀπαυδῶ τοῦτον, ὅστις ἐστὶ, γῆς "Edipus Rex," v, 236. Confer v, 350. Some of the cases where homicide was justifiable under the Athenian law are mentioned by the orators. Thus, it was lawful to kill a man in self-defence, or if caught in adultery with a wife, sister, or daughter, or if found committing treason against the state, or attempting to establish a tyranny. 65 After the expulsion of the Thirty Tyrants, the Athenians passed a law, prepared by Demophantus, binding themselves by solemn oath to kill any man who attempted to subvert the democracy, and declaring it lawful and just to do so. The law is set out in Andocides, "De Mysteriis," 13, and the oath prescribed to be taken contains (among others) the words following: Ἐὰν δέ τις κτείνων τινὰ τούτων ἀποθάνη ἐπιχειρῶν, εὖ ποιήσω αὐτον τε καὶ τοὺς παῖδας τοὺς ἐκείνου, καθάπερ ̔Αρμόδιόν τε καὶ ̓Αριστογείτονα καὶ τοὺς ἀπογόνους αὐτῶν. Anything savouring of arrogance and presumption, whether in word or deed, shocked the feelings of the Greeks, and was deemed offensive to the gods, who, according to popular belief, looked with an evil eye upon all men who enjoyed a great degree of prosperity, much more on those who boasted of it and were elated with pride. The feeling thus attributed by the ancients to their gods is expressed by Solon in Herodotus, and illustrated by the remarkable advice which relates to have been given by Amasis to Polycrates. (Herod., i, 34; iii, 40.) Allusions to it are frequently made by the Attic writers. Thus, in the "Alcestis" of Euripides, when Hercules has restored his wife to Admetus, he says, v, 1135: Ἔχεις· φθόνος δὲ μὴ γένοιτό τις θεῶν. In the "Orestes," v, 974, Electra says that the envy of the gods destroyed the great house of Pelops: Βέβακε γὰρ, βέβακεν, οἴχεται τέκνων ζῆλος ὧν ποτ' οἴκοις· φθόνος νιν εἶλε θεόθεν. Supplices," v, 348; "Iphigenia in Aul.," 1097; "Electra," 002; Æschyl., "Agamemnon," 919; Sophocl., "Philoct.," 776.) The deity whose peculiar province it was to chastise vainglorious tals, to check overweening arrogance, to inspire feelings of hu mility and moderation, reverence for law, justice, and propriety, was Nemesis, a goddess worshipped with peculiar veneration by the Athenians. She had a temple at Rhamnus, in Attica, which was destroyed by the Persians in their first invasion; but one more magnificent was afterward built, and a statue of the goddess was made by Phidias out of some Parian marble which the enemy had brought for a trophy of their expected victory. (See "Pausanias," i, 33, where the goddess is said to be Θεῶν μάλιστα ἀνθρώποις ὑβρισταῖς ἀπαραίτητος.) She was also called Adrastea, as to the origin of which name the reader may consult Blomfield's "Glossary ad Æschyl. Prometh.," 972: Οἱ ποοσκυνοῦντες τὴν ̓Αδράστειαν σοφοί· which has been well translated "'Tis wise to kiss the rod of Nemesis." The deity was the personification of that feeling by which human beings are excited when they see their fellow-men too highly exalted; for the heathen, as was natural, assigned to their gods the emotions which they experienced themselves, and not only such as were virtuous and noble, but many also of a different character. Νέμεσις was a generous sentiment, akin to pity, as Aristotle tells us in his instructive chapter on this subject. (" Rhetoric," ii, 9.) As ἔλεος, or pity, is a feeling of pain at seeing unmerited misfortune, so νέμεσις is a feeling of pain at seeing undeserved prosperity, τὸ λυπεῖσθαι ἐπὶ ταῖς ἀναξίαις εὐπραγίαις. And both (says he) are good feelings: καὶ ἄμφω τὰ πάθη ἤθους χρηστοῦ· δεῖ γὰρ ἐπὶ τοῖς ἀναξίως πράττουσι κακῶς συνάχθεσθαι καὶ ἐλεεῖν· τοῖς δ' ̓ εἰ νεμεσᾷν· ἄδικον γὰρ τὸ παρὰ τὴν ἀξίαν γιγνόμενον· διὸ καὶ τοῖς Θεοῖς ἀποδίδομεν τὸ νεμεσᾷν. It is observable that we have no word in the English language corresponding to Aristotle's definition of νεμεσᾷν. It is an emotion of indignation and disgust. The Syracusans were under republican government for about sixty years, until B. c. 406, when, owing partly to their intestine discords and partly to their fear of the Carthaginians, Dionysius, the son of Hermocrates, was appointed to the chief military command, by means of which he raised himself to the throne, and reigned thirtyeight years. He was originally a scribe, or secretary, in a public office, though his parentage was honourable. (Diodorus, xiii, 96; Polyænus, v, 2; Cicero, "Tuscul. Quæst.," v, 20.) His son, who succeeded him, but was inferior to him in every respect, was expelled by Dion, B. C. 356, afterward regained his power, and was finally expelled, в. с. 343, by Timoleon, who restored liberty to the Sicilian states. These events are fully related by Diodorus in his history, and by Plutarch in the lives of Dion and Timoleon. It is not true that the Syracusans ever received tribute from the Carthaginians, though they doubtless committed depredation upon their commerce. " Compare Cicero, "Catilin. Orat.," ii, 11: Sed si, omissis his rebus omnibus, quibus nos suppeditamus, eget ille, senatu, equitibus Romanis, populo, urbe, ærario, vectigalibus, cunctâ Italiâ, provinciis omnibus, exteris nationibus, si, his rebus omissis, ipsas causas, quæ inter se confligunt, contendere velimus: ex eo ipso, quam valde illi jaceant, intelligere possumus. Ex hâc enim parte pudor pugnat, illinc petulantia: hinc pudicitia, illinc stuprum: hinc fides, illinc fraudatio: hinc pietas, illinc scelus: hinc constantia, illinc furor: hinc honestas, illinc turpitudo; hinc continentia, illinc libido: denique æquitas, temperantia, fortitudo, prudentia, virtutes omnes, certant cum iniquitate, cum luxuriâ, cum ignavia, cum temeritate, cum vitiis omnibus; postremo copiæ cum egestate, bona ratio cum perditâ, mens sana cum amentiâ, bona denique spes cum omnium rerum desperatione confligit." ENT THE SUMMERE ON THE NAVY BOARDS В. С. 354 T appears to me, O Athenians, that the men who praise your ancestors adopt a flattering language, not a course beneficial to the people whom they eulogize. For attempting to speak on subjects which no man can fully reach by words they carry away the reputation of clever speakers themselves, but cause the glory of those ancients to fall below its estimation in the minds of the hearers. For my part, I consider the highest praise of our ancestors to be the length of time which has elapsed during which no other men have been able to excel the pattern of their deeds. I will myself endeavour to show in what way, асcording to my judgment, your preparations may most conveniently be made. For thus it is. Though all of us who 1 intend to speak should prove ourselves capital orators, your affairs, I am certain, would prosper none the more; but if any person whomsoever 2 came forward, and could show and convince you what kind and what amount of force will be serviceable to the state, and from what resources it should be provided, all our present apprehensions would be removed. This will I endeavour to do, as far as I am able, first briefly informing you what my opinion is concerning our relations with the king. I hold the king to be the common enemy of all the Greeks; yet not on this account would I advise you, without the rest, to undertake a war against him. For I do not observe that the Greeks themselves are common friends to one another; on the contrary, some have more confidence in him than in certain of their own people. Such being the case, I deem it expedient for you to look that the cause of war be equitable and just, that all necessary preparations should be made, and that this should be the groundwork of your resolution. For I think, men of Athens, if there were any clear and manifest proof that the Persian king was about to attack the Greeks, they would join alliance and be exceedingly grateful to those who sided with and defended them against him; but if we rush into a quarrel before his intentions are declared, I fear, men of Athens, we shall be driven to a war with both, the king and the people whom we are anxious to protect. He will suspend his designs if he really has resolved to attack the Greeks will give money to some of them and promise friendship; they, desiring to carry on their private wars with better success, and intent on projects of that kind, will disregard the common safety of all. I beseech you not to betray our country into such embarrassment and folly. For you, I see, can not adopt the same principles of action in reference to the king as the other Greeks can. It is open, I conceive, to many of them, to prosecute their selfish interests and neglect the body of the nation; it would be dishonourable in you, though you had suffered wrong, to punish the offenders in such a way as to let any of them fall under the power of the barbarian. Under these circumstances we must take care that we ourselves engage not in the war upon unequal terms, and that he whom we suppose to entertain designs upon the Greeks do not gain the credit of appearing their friend. How can it be managed? By giving proof to the world that the forces of our state are mustered and prepared, and that possessing such forces we espouse sentiments of justice. To the over-daring, who are vehement in urging you to war, I have this to say: It is not difficult in the season for deliberation to earn the repute of courage, or, when danger is nigh, to be exceeding eloquent; it is, however, both difficult and becoming in the hour of danger to exhibit courage, in counsel to find better advice than other men. It is my opinion, men of Athens, that a war with the king would distress our republic, though any action in the course of the war would be an easy affair. Why so? Because, methinks, every war necessarily requires a fleet and money and posts; and of all these things I perceive that he has a greater abundance than ourselves; but for action, I observe, nothing is so much needed as brave soldiers, and of these, I imagine, we and our confederates have the |