then all of you were in occupation, grand people with splendid equipages; I was powerless, I confess, though more attached to my countrymen than you.156

Two things, men of Athens, are characteristic of a welldisposed citizen-so may I speak of myself and give the least offence-in authority his constant aim should be the dignity and pre-eminence of the commonwealth; in all times and circumstances his spirit should be loyal. This depends upon nature; power and might upon other things. Such a spirit, you will find, I have ever sincerely cherished. Only see. When my person was demanded-when they brought Amphictyonic suits against me when they menaced-when they promised-when they set these miscreants like wild beasts upon me-never in any way have I abandoned my affection for you. From the very beginning I chose an honest and straightforward course in politics, to support the honour, the power, the glory of my fatherland; these to exalt, in these to have my being. I do not walk about the market-place gay and cheerful because the stranger has prospered, holding out my righthand and congratulating those who I think will report it yonder, and on any news of our own success shudder and groan and stoop to the earth, like these impious men, who rail at Athens, as if in so doing they did not rail at themselves; who look abroad, and if the foreigner thrives by the distresses of Greece, are thankful for it, and say we should keep him so thriving to all time.

Never, O ye gods, may those wishes be confirmed by you! If possible, inspire even in these men a better sense and feeling! But if they are indeed incurable, destroy them by themselves; exterminate them on land and sea; and for the rest of us, grant that we may speedily be released from our present fears, and enjoy a lasting deliverance! 157

NOTES

Quintilian commends the modest opening of this oration, which he attributes to a cautious timidity. Cicero thus remarks upon it in the "Orator":

"

Hic, quem præstitisse diximus cæteris, in illâ pro Ctesiphonte oratione longè optimâ, submissus à primo; deinde, dum de legibus disputat, pressus; post sensim incedens, judices ut vidit ardentes, in reliquis exultavit audacius."

It was not unusual with the ancient orators to begin with a prayer. Thus Lycurgus begins his speech against Leocrates, and Cicero his defence of Murena. Also, in the defence of Rabirius (near the beginning), there is an appeal, like this of Demosthenes, to all the gods and goddesses.

2

* Because he can afford to be beaten; he has not much to lose. He possesses not, like me, the esteem and affection of the people, and therefore has not the loss of these to fear.

The very words here seem to be borrowed from Xenophon, where he describes the result of the battle of Mantinea: ̓Ακρισία καὶ ταραχὴ ἔτι πλειων μετὰ τὴν μάχην ἐγένετο ἢ πρόσθεν ἐν τῇ Ἑλλάδι.

This name, having once belonged to a notorious thief and trickster, had passed into a byword of reproach. (See the comment of Eustathius on the "Odyssey," T., 247.) Suidas mentions a Ζεὺς Εὐρύβατος, who changed himself into all manner of shapes. Æschines had in his speech compared Demosthenes to Eurybatus.

• It is implied that the motion was carried. It then became a resolution of the Senate, on the motion of Demosthenes, and may be called his resolution.

10 The ἀρχιτέκτων was the lessee of the theatre, who undertook to keep it in repair and proper order, he himself taking the profits. The entrance fee of two obols was paid to him.

Demosthenes, as member of the council, had introduced the Macedonian ambassadors, Parmenio, Antipater, and Eurylochus, and moved that they should be invited to seats of honour at the Dionysian festival. This was no more than a necessary act of civility, due to the eminent ministers whom Philip had sent to treat with the Athenians; and there could not be a more fit person to make the motion than Demosthenes, who had been one of the ten ambassadors to Philip, and (it seems) the only councillor among them. Nor did he confine himself to these formal acts, but during their stay at Athens hospitably entertained them at his own house, and on their departure accompanied them a part of the way on horseback. For these attentions he was reproached by Æschines, as if he had overacted his part, and either sought to curry favour with Philip or to make an idle display of his wealth and importance.

"In this, as in most of the documents quoted in the first half of the present speech, there are found serious difficulties, which have led critics to the conviction that it is not genuine. In the first place, the name of the archon for the year B. C. 347 was not Mnesiphilus, but Themistocles. Secondly, not five, but ten ambassadors, were sent to receive the oath of Philip; and, indeed, the same ten who had been on the previous embassy. Thirdly, it is called a resolution of the Senate and people, whereas that which Demosthenes refers to was a resolution of the Senate alone. Fourthly, the ten ambassadors were sent to receive Philip's oath only, not to take the oath on behalf of their country, which had been done before. These and some other discrepancies have led to the conclusion that the decree (which is not found in all the manuscripts) is an interpolation; and Böckh, in a treatise "De Archontibus Pseudeponymis," suggests the following way of accounting for the error: He supposes that the decree in the text was found in some ancient collection by the interpolator; that he mistook the name of the Γραμματεύς, or secretary of the council, which was usually appended to decrees, for the name of the archon; and that, for want of due attention to times and circumstances, he mistook one document for another. Thus, in the endeavour to supply the defect of his manuscript, he corrupted the text of the author, but gave up the unprofitable work when he had got half through the speech: and so it happens that the latter half is free from such interpolation.

Jacobs, who concurs with this view of Böckh, appears to agree with him also in another conjecture, viz., that the peace referred to in this decree is the same which is stated by Diodorus (lib. xvi, 77) to have been concluded between the Athenians and Philip after his unsuccessful siege of Byzantium. Other writers have doubted the fact of such a peace having ever been made.

"A lawyerlike phrase is suitable here, and I have adopted the one furnished by Lord Brougham's reviewer in the "Times." Leland's version, "if Æschines had urged nothing against me foreign to his cause," is not so good. Jacobs: wenn nicht Æschines über die Grenzen der Klage ausgeschritten wäre."

"The truth of the matter is a little warped by the verbal antithesis of the orator. It is not strictly true that the enmity with the Thebans and Thessalians was caused by these proceedings; it existed before, the Athenians having all along favoured the Phocians, though it was certainly increased by their display of ill will upon the occasion referred to, as Demosthenes says in the oration on the Embassy, τὴν ἔχθραν τὴν πρὸς Θηβαίους μείζω πεποίηκεν.

This decree, like the last, appears to be spurious. Not only the name of the archon, but the date and other circumstances are incorrect. The assembly held after the news of the conquest of Phocis was not in the month here stated, but at the end of Scirrophorion (June). And the contents of the decree vary from those which Demosthenes himself mentions in the oration on the Embassy (359, 379). Winiewski thinks that there may have been two decrees on the motion of Callisthenes, similar in character, but on different occasions.

"The duties of the generals were more numerous and varied in the time of Demosthenes than in the early period of the republic. Formerly the ten generals were sent out all together on warlike service. But this practice was discontinued, as the wars of Athens began to be more frequent and on a larger scale. One, two, or three only were then put in command of a single armament. The generals had also various duties of a civil nature assigned to them, which required the presence of some of them at home. Such were the superintendence of all warlike preparations, and the collecting and dispensing of the military funds. The management of the property tax was confided to them, on account of its being peculiarly a war impost. Like other Athenian magistrates, they had judicial functions to perform in matters under their administrative control, as in questions arising out of the property-tax assessments and charges for breach of military duty. The power of convoking extraordinary assemblies of the people was given to them, as being the persons peculiarly intrusted with the defence of the city and commonwealth. In the time of Demosthenes it would seem that their functions were divided, probably for convenience; so that one commanded the infantry, ὁ ἐπὶ τῶν ὅπλων, Οἱ ὁπλιτῶν, another the cavalry, ὁ ἐπὶ τῶν ἱππέων, and another took charge of the military chest and fund, ὁ ἐπὶ τῆς διοικήσεως. Perhaps others had other tasks assigned to them.

1* That is, "he won them completely over-he got them entirely under his influence, so that they had scarce a will of their own." ""Describes at length how pitiable they are."

1 After Thebes had been taken by Alexander, the Athenians, on the motion of Demades, sent ambassadors to congratulate him. He sent them a letter, demanding that Demosthenes and eight others (or nine others, according to Diodorus) of the principal orators and statesmen of the anti-Macedonian party, among whom were Chares, Hyperides, and Lycurgus, should be delivered up to him. Phocion advised that they should be given up, and even urged them to surrender themselves for the good of their country. Demosthenes recited to the people the fable of Esop, where the wolf required the sheep to give up their dogs. After some discussion, Demades offered to intercede with the conqueror. He was sent on an embassy for that purpose, and by his entreaty Alexander was prevailed upon to withdraw the demand as to all but Charidemus.

That Demosthenes was obnoxious to Alexander can hardly be wondered at. Æschines relates that, on Alexander's first march to Thebes, Demosthenes was sent on an embassy to him from Athens, and went as far as Cithæron, where, apprehending danger to himself, he invented an excuse for turning back. There is no doubt that both then and afterward he had been concerting measures to shake off the yoke of Macedonia.

In this, as in the passage a little below, I have in my version made no distinction between φίλων and ξένων, simply because the English language does not furnish me with the means. Ξένοι (in the sense here used) are absent friends, who would be φίλοι if they dwelt in the same place, but, being separated, can only correspond, or occasionally visit each other and exchange hospitality. The relation that exists between such persons is called ξενία, but we have not in our language any word which expresses that mutual relation; nor, indeed, any which expresses the relation between host and guest, as I have often had occasion to observe. Leland here renders ξένος, guest (which is but half the sense), and below, intimate, and ξενία, intimacy. Spillan makes ξένος, friend, and φίλος, intimate. Brougham has guest for ξένος, and hospitality lity for ξενία. Francis the same. But hospitality will not bear the enlarged sense necessary for ξενία. The Gastfreund of the German unfortunately can not be imitated in English. Auger (like Leland) is inconsistent. In the first passage he has "d'hôtes et d'amis"; in the next, "ami" for both. The true meaning of ξένοι is fully expressed by a paraphrase in the following passage of Shakespeare:

Since

"Sicilia can not show himself overkind to Bohemia. They were trained together in their childhood, and there rooted between them then such an affection which can not choose but branch now. their more mature dignities and royal necessities made separation of their society, their encounters, though not personal, have been royally attornied, with interchange of gifts, letters, loving embassies; that they have seemed to be together, though absent, shook hands, as over a vast, and embraced, as it were, from the ends of opposed winds." ("Winter's Tale," act i, scene 1.)

"

Leland has the following note: Commentators seem surprised at the boldness and the success of this appeal. Some tell us that the speaker was hurried into the hazardous question by his impetuosity; some, that his friend Menander was the only person who returned the answer he desired; others again, that he pronounced falsely on purpose, and that the assembly intended but to correct his pronunciation when they echoed back the word μισθωτός, hireling. But the truth is. he was too much interested in the present contest to suffer himself to be really transported beyond the strictest bounds of prudence and caution; he was too well supported to rely upon a single voice, if such could be at all heard in the assembly; and he had too much good sense to recur to a ridiculous and childish artifice. The assembly to which he addressed himself was of a quite different kind from one of our modern courts of law, where order and decorum are maintained. The audience were not at all concerned to suppress the emotions raised in them by the speaker; and Demosthenes had a large party present, who, he was well assured, would return the proper answer loudly."