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the Catholics, immediately on the passing of their bill, to come forward and demand a reform, a measure which I looked upon as mischievous and insidious; that I had never written but one paper on the committal of Butler and Bond, by the Secret Committee, which paper would be found, I did think, a very moderate one, and that I was, of course, not the author of the papers offensive to the present administration. The next probable objection which I thought might arise, was about the national guards. In answer to which, I stated that, during the whole of that business, as well as of the publication, "Citizen soldiers, to arms," I was in London, attending the Catholic delegates, and, of course, could not be concerned, for which I appealed to Mr. Keogh. The third objection was more serious, which was the part I had in Jackson and Rowan's business, which is fully detailed in other parts of my memorandums. That, with regard to that, all I could say was, that my conduct had been undoubtedly very indiscreet, in that business, but such as it was I had stated it fully to the late administration, who, after consideration maturely had, were not of opinion that it was such as to call for punishment; that I had positive assurances to that effect, and even a letter written by Secretary Hamilton, by order of Lord Westmoreland, guarantying me from all attack; that, therefore, I did hope I should find myself, if not bettered, at least not injured by the late change in the Government. The rest of the topics of defence on this head I left to Keogh, with whom I had, at great length, mooted the whole affair a few days back. Hamill said All this was very fair, but was he to understand that they were at liberty to state to Mr. Grattan my inclination to support the present Government?' I said, By no means; if that were to be so, it would become a matter of bargain and sale, without any compliment paid to the great body whom he was to represent; that I wished it should have no aspect to the future, but should rest on the merits of past services rendered to the Catholics.' At the same time, I added, he might state a disposition on my part, towards the new administration, grounded on some of their measures, which had already developed themselves, such as Catholic emancipation, and the nominations to the Primacy and Provostship. This, however, I guarded, by saying there were others, to the support of which I would not be purchased by their whole patronage: such as this

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infamous war; any thing reflecting on the North of Ireland, or on Parliamentary reform; that, sooner than lend any countenance to such measures, I would, if necessary, put £50 in my pocket, and transport myself to the farthest corner of the earth. Subject, however, to this exception, there were many topics, particularly all Catholic measures, in which I could promise them my most cordial support, but that I feared (and I am sure the fact is so) that the measures I would object to, would be, perhaps, the only ones which they would thank me for defending.

“Having had this eclaircissement, the deputation went off, and I write these memorandums, waiting the event of their application, I thank God, with the most perfect serenity. I have never indulged any idle or extravagant expectations, and, therefore, it is not in the power of man to disappoint me. My belief is, the application will fail, and, if so, I am no worse than I was.

“I should have added above, in its place, that I told Mr. Hamill I did not wish to form any connexion with the present administration, because I thought I foresaw they would not long retain nor deserve the confidence of the people; and I again repeated I wished to stand solely on the recommendation of the Catholic body, and not on any services rendered, or to be rendered, by myself."

My father finally refused this offer, declaring that he felt the highest respect for Lord Fitz William's character; that he entertained no doubt his measures would always deserve support, and that he would support them, as an individual, as long as he approved of them, but that he could enter into no engagement. In fact, his political principles had taken, from a very early period, a loftier flight than those of the whigs. He thought their views narrow, their ends selfish, and their measures tending rather to the aggrandizement of their party than to the permanent and general good of the country. The whigs were highly irritated at this refusal; and Mr. Ponsonby, who expected to be appointed Attorney General, hinted that, perhaps Mr. Tone would not find the next Attorney General so accommodating as the last." On Lord Fitz William's recall in March, 1795, my father received a new proof of the affection and confidence of the Catholics, by their appointing him, in this precarious situation, to accompany the deputation which they sent to solicit from the

Monarch the continuance of his Lordship in the administration, and to draw the petition for this purpose, and the address to his Lordship. On the month of April following, soon after his return, the trial and death of Jackson took place. It nobly redeemed his previous errors.

With the Vice Royalty of Lord Camden began the triumvirate of those three noble Earls, Camden, Carhampton, and Clare, who, by a series of increasing persecutions, succeeded at length in driving the people to madness, and open and general insurrection. But towards the beginning of his administration, my father put in execution his agreement with the Government to leave Ireland. The votes of thanks which he received from the Catholics of Dublin, on resigning his appointment as their Secretary and Agent, are subjoined in the Appendix, and the honors which were paid to him, there and in Belfast, his last secret instructions to follow up the negotiation begun with Jackson, and the events which occurred between his departure from Ireland and his arrival in France, are contained in the following brief continuation of these memoirs, which he wrote before embarking in the Bantry Bay expedition.

CONTINUATION

Of the Life of THEOBALD WOLFE TONE, written by himself.

RENNES, September 28, 1796.

As my time is growing shorter, I pass over a very busy interval of my life, all the important events of which are detailed in different diaries among my papers, and I hasten to the period, when, in consequence of the conviction of William Jackson, for high treason, I was obliged to quit my country, and go into exile in America. A short time before my departure, my friend Russell being in town, he and I walked out together, to Rathfarnham, to see Emmet, who has a charming villa there. He showed us a little study, of an elliptical form, which he was building at the bottom of the lawn, and which he said he would consecrate to our meetings, if ever we lived to see our country emancipated. I begged of him, if he intended Russell should be of the party, in addition to the books and maps it would

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naturally contain, to fit up a small cellaret, which should contain a few dozens of his best old claret. He showed me that he had not omitted that circumstance, which he acknowledged to be essential, and we both rallied Russell with considerable success. I mention this trifling anecdote because I love the men, and because it seems now, at least possible, that we may yet meet again in Emmet's study. As we walked together into town, I opened my plan to them both. I told them that I considered my compromise with Government to extend no further than the banks of the Delaware, and that the moment I landed, I was free to follow any plan which might suggest itself to me, for the emancipation of my country; that, undoubtedly, I was guilty of a great offence against the existing Government; that, in consequence, I was going into exile; and that I considered that exile as a full expiation for the offence; and, consequently, felt myself at liberty, having made that sacrifice, to begin again on a fresh score. They both agreed with me in those principles, and I then proceeded to tell them that my intention was, immediately on my arrival in Philadelphia, to wait on the French Minister, to detail to him, fully, the situation of affairs in Ireland, to endeavor to obtain a recommendation to the French Government, and, if I succeeded so far, to leave my family in America, and to set off instantly for Paris, and apply, in the name of my country, for the assistance of France, to enable us to assert our independence. It is unnecessary, I believe, to say, that this plan met with the warmest approbation and support from both Russell and Emmet; we shook hands, and, having repeated our professions of unalterable regard and esteem for each other, we parted; and this was the last interview which I was so happy as to have with those two invaluable friends together. I remember it was in a little triangular field that this conversation took place; and Emmet remarked to us that it was in one exactly like it in Switzerland, where William Tell and his associates planned the downfall of the tyranny of Austria. The next day Russell returned to Belfast.

As I was determined not to appear to leave Ireland clandestinely, whatever might be the hazard, I took care, on the day of Jackson's trial, to walk up and down in the most public streets in Dublin, and to go, contrary to my usual custom, into several of the most frequented coffee houses, and to my bookseller's, which was

still more frequented. In this last place I was seen by Lord Mountjoy, who gave himself the pains to call on the Attorney General* the next day, and inform him that I was to be found, for that he had seen me in Archer's the day before. The Attorney General gave him, however, no thanks for his pains, and so the affair ended ; my obligation, however, to his Lordship, is not the less for his good intentions. Having made this sacrifice to appearances. I set, with all diligence, to prepare for my departure; I sold off all my little property of every kind, reserving only my books, of which I had a very good selection of about six hundred volumes, and I determined to take leave of nobody. I also resolved not to call on any of my friends, not even Knox or Emmet, for, as I knew the part I had taken in Jackson's affair had raised a violent outcry against me, with a very numerous and powerful party, I resolved not to implicate any of those I regarded in the difficulties of my situation. Satisfied as I was of the rectitude of my own conduct, and of the purity of my motives, I believe I should have had fortitude to bear the desertion of my best friends; but, to their honor be it spoken, I was not put to so severe a trial. I did not lose the countenance and support of any one man whom I esteemed; and I believe that I secured the continuance of their regard by the firmness I had shown all along through this most arduous and painful trial; and, especially, by my repeated declarations, that I was ready to sacrifice my life, if necessary, but that I would never degrade myself by giving testimony against a man who had spoken to me in the confidence that I would not betray him. I have said that after Jackson's death I visited nobody; but all my friends made it, I believe, a point to call on me; so that for the short time I remained in Dublin after, we were never an hour alone. My friends M Cormick and Keogh, who had both interested themselves extremely, all along, on my behalf, and had been principally instrumental in passing the vote for granting me the sum of £300, in addition to the arrears due me by the Catholics, were, of course, amongst the foremost. It was hardly necessary, to men of their foresight, and who knew me perfectly, to mention my plans; however, for greater certainty, I consulted them both, and I received, as I expected,

* Wolfe, afterwards Lord Kilwarden.

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