VOL. VIII.

No. 2

The Marriage of the Nations.

The marriage of Prince George to Princess May sent a ripple of social and personal interest over England, which not even the somewhat arbitrary levy which custom enforces for wedding presents was able altogether to dash. But the marrying and giving in marriage even of the most estimable young persons of the royal caste cannot for a moment compare in importance to the progress that has been made of late towards the marriage of the nations which speak the English tongue. If we look upon the world-drama as we should look upon any tragi-comedy on the boards of a theatre, it is obvious that its interest centres in the fortunes of the two leading personages-Britain and America. For the last hundred years the play has turned on the story of their alienation, their differences, and their misunderstandings. But with the Alabama arbitration a change came over the spirit of the scene which all story-tellers and dramatists lead us to expect when they are about two-thirds through their plot. The estranged lovers begin to draw together again. They discover that many deadly affronts were merely ridiculous misconceptions. Prejudices born of conflict melt in the sun of restored confidence, and the experienced observer knows that he is within a measureable distance of the time when the hero and heroine will marry and live happily ever afterwards.

Without attempting to decide whether The Budding of the Orange Britain or America is the hero or the Blossoms. heroine in this great romance of the century, it would really begin to appear that their reunion is going to come about after all. The debate on the proposed treaty of International Arbitration last month in the House of Commons, when a resolution was unanimously passed in favor of meeting the friendly overtures of the American government for the conclusion of a permanent treaty of arbitration, was a sign of the budding of the orange blossom, that familiar symbol of the coming bridal. Cremer, Sir John Lubbock and the Peace Society have for years pressed this resolution upon Parliament; but it was not till last month that Mr. Gladstone and with Mr. Gladstone the House of Commons -woke up to the discovery that what had previously been declared to be impossible, unconstitutional and most inexpedient, had now become so obviously de

Mr.

sirable that not a single hostile vote could be registered against the motion. The two English-speaking peoples are now both committed to the principle of binding themselves in advance by treaty to submit all disputes to arbitration. They have already referred the Alabama and Bering Sea controversies to arbitration; but the new departure that is contemplated is to substitute for such haphazard references agreed to at the caprice of a Secretary of State for the time being, the solemn obligation of a permanent treaty binding both parties to resort to arbitration for the settlement of their disputes. From that to the constitution of the permanent international High Court, which will be the wedding ring of Britain and America, there is but a short and easily traversed road.

the Banns.

There are some who look still further Publishing ahead. Mr. Andrew Carnegie is not exactly the supreme type of the fairy matchmaker who presides over the love affairs of nations. But Mr. Carnegie is a shrewd man and very practical. He was born a Scotchman, is naturalized an American, and he divides his year between his Highland residence under the Monarchy and his country house in the Republic. He knows personally the leading Republican statesmen of the West and the most influential Liberal ministers of the Queen. He is a protectionist of the protectionists in America, a millionaire whose wealth is largely believed to be due to the heavy duties which excluded British iron and steel from the American market. But this is the man who, in the article entitled "A Look Ahead," which we notice elsewhere, proclaims the banns between the Republic and the Empire, and offers as a solid and material consideration the establishment of free-trade between the dominions of the Queen and the States of the American Commonwealth. From whatever point of view this may be regarded, it is significant and encouraging.

If the great blunder of the Third George What Mr. Astor is to be undone, if the Empire and the Might Do. Republic after a hundred years of estrangement are to be reunited, so as to constitute a single State-so far as the rest of the world is concerned-then it is evident that the hour has come for the appearance of a new factor on the scene in the shape of British-Americans in Britain and American

Britons in America, men jointly representing both countries and owing allegiance both to Empire and to Republic, as Minnesotans to Minnesota, or as Welshmen to Wales, but whose real fatherland is the English-speaking world. A few of us here and there in the press and in the pulpit have long ago proclaimed our adhesion to this saving faith. But what is wanted is a person or persons who will stand forth before the two countries as the champion of the great cause, and use their personal influence, social position

MR. W. W. ASTOR.

and all and every other means at their disposal to work for the reunion of English-speakingdom, as scores and hundreds of other men use their lives in working for their particular party, sect or faction. The difficulty is that it takes a very big man to work for a very big idea. We make our gods in our own image, and the idols of the market-place and the forum are adjusted to our own stature. But the English-speaking idea is one of the biggest that ever fired the imagination of mankind, and that is one of the reasons why people are asking themselves whether Mr. Carnegie could be right in urging Mr. W. W. Astor to shoulder the responsibilities of his unique position and place himself at the head of the movement for the reunion of the English-speaking race. Mr. Astor has great advantages for playing such a part. He has wealth without envy, he comes of a good breed, he has the sense of responsibility-all that is good. He is also not without ambition, social and journalistic, as his recent adventures prove. But whether he is man enough for this other work time alone can show.

Turn where we may, we find evidence The Americanization of of the Americanization of British instiBritain. tutions. The Australian banks are reconstituting themselves on the American basis. Mr. Rhodes announces at the Cape that he is studying the American immigration laws with a view to restricting the landing of Asiatics. But it is in England and at Westminster that the tendency is most perceptible.

Mr. Gladstone-most unfortunately for his cause-began by framing his Home Rule bill with an eye not to American, but to Colonial precedents. That was the root of all his errors, the cause of all his embarrassments. For the difference between Colonial and American precedent is simply this-that the Colonial constitutions were drawn up with the view of enabling the colonies to become independent States, while the American constitution, as interpreted by the great Civil War and its corollaries, is based upon the principle of keeping together in indissoluble federation States which in their own domestic affairs are independent. Home Rule on Colonial lines meantand means-an Ireland ripening for separation and independence. Home Rule on American lines meant -and means-Ireland left free to manage her own affairs, in order that she may be more indissolubly bound up with the fabric of the Empire. Colonial Home Rule will never be applied to Ireland; but American Home Rule-Home Rule as a basis for federation-comes nearer every day.

ress in the world's history, the bell being intended to ring only on the anniversaries of the great events that mark the progress of the world towards free institutions. This bell was ready in distant Troy, N. Y., where it was cast, to be rung for the first time in connection with the unfurling of the flag of universal liberty. The editor of the English edition of the REVIEW OF REVIEWS in his Christmas number puts in the mouth of his character, Compton, the assertion that "what was at stake at Chicago and at the Columbian Exhibition was the leadership of the English-speaking world." Will the great race alliance which is the hope of the future have its centre in Washington or in London? Mr. Wm. O. McDowell, who prepared the programme, made the Fourth of July celebration at Chicago the occasion for claiming that the passage of the leadership of the English-speaking race, and therefore, of the human race, from London to Washington, is now accomplished, and also crowned Chicago for the period of the Columbian Exhibition as the capital of the world. At exactly twelve o'clock on that day the flag of "human

freedom" was for the first time run aloft, a typical daughter of the South, Mrs. Loulie M. Gordon, of Georgia, and a representative daughter of the North, Mrs. Donald McLean, of New York, joining in performing this ceremony. At the same time the original star-spangled banner was hoisted to its place by Mrs. H. R. P. Stafford, of Massachusetts, and Miss Mary Desha, of Kentucky, representing the daughters of the American Revolution. The Columbian Liberty Bell was rung for the first time, the electric button being pressed by Mrs. Madge Morris Wagner, of California, and Miss Minnie F. Mickley, of Pennsylvania. These two flags were then saluted by cannon, ringing of bells and the dipping of all the flags in sight, and Mayor Harrison called upon the vast multitude to swear on the sword of Andrew Jackson allegiance to the flags and all that they represent. It was appropriate that the Hon. Hampton L. Carson, of Philadelphia, the historian of the Supreme Court of the United States, should be the orator on this occasion, and that the presiding officer should be the Vice-President of the United States.