- its confequence among foreign = powers. The public fpirit is in a ferment, but an affembly of the re-prefentatives of the nation will certainly hearken to no other counfels but those founded on wisdom and prudence. You, yourselves, gentlemen, have been able to judge, on many recent occafions, that the people have been mifguided; but the fpirit which will rule over your deliberations will answer for the true fentiments of a generous nation, whofe diftinguished character has ever been the love of their king. I fhall banifi from me every other fenti ment. I know the authority and power of a juft king, furrounded by a faithful people, at all times attached to the principles of monarchy; thefe have caufed the glory and fplendour of France; I ought, and I ever fhall be, the fupport of them. But whatever may be expected from the most tender folicitude for the public good, whatever can be afked from a fovereign, the fincereft friend of his people, you may, you ought to hope from me. May a happy union reign in this affembly! And may this epocha become ever memorable for the hap pinefs and profperity of the country! It is the wifh of my heart; it is the most ardent defire of my prayers; it is, in fhort, the price which I expect for the fincerity of my intentions, and my love for my people. The keeper of the feals will ex-. plain my intentions more fully, and I have ordered the director-general you of the finances to lay before ftate of the kingdom. the Letter from the King of France to the B DEING informed that the O difficulties which have been made relative to afcertaining the powers vefted in the members of the ftates-general ftill fubfift, notwithstanding the care taken by the commiffioners chofen by the three eftates to find out the means of fettling this point; I cannot fee without pain, and indeed much, ureafinefs, the national affembly, which I have called together, to be concerned with me in the new regulation of the kingdom, funk into inaction, which, if continued, would caufe all the hopes which I have formed for the happinels of my people, and the benefit of the state, to prove abortive. Under thefe circum-. ftances, I defire that the conciliatory commiffioners, already chosen by the three orders, refume their conferences to-morrow, at fix in the evening, in the prefence of my keeper of the feals and commiffioners, whom I fhall appoint, in order that I may be more particularly informed of the propefals for agreement which hall be made, and directly contribute to fo defirable and preffing a fiate of harmony. I charge the perfon who fhall exercile the office of president, to make known thefe my intentions to the affembly. Ferfailles, May 28. LOUIS. Sire, THE deputies of your faithful have folemnly prefented to your majefty the refpectful teftimony of their gratitude for the convocation of the ftates-general, had their powers been verified, which would have been the cafe but for the obftacles thrown in the way by the nobles. They wait with the moft anxious impatience for the moment of that verification, to enable them to offer you a more ftriking homage and token of their love for your facred perfon, for your auguft family, and their devotion to the interests of the monarch, which are always infeparable from thofe of the nation. The folicitude your majefty experiences at the inaction of the ilates-general, affords a fresh proof of the defire which animates your breaft to produce the happinefs of France. Afflicted at this fatal inaction, the deputies of the commons have left no means untried to determine thofe of the clergy and the nobles to unite with them for the purpofe of conftituting the national affembly; but the nobles having again manifefted their refolution of main taining the verification of their powers feparately tranfacted, the conciliatory conferences opened on this important queftion were neceffarily at an end. Your majefty, defiring that they fhould be refumed, in prefence of the keeper of the feals, and commiffioners you have named, the deputies of the commons, certain that under a prince, who wishes to be the reftorer of France, the liberty of the national aflembly can be in no danger, have chear fully concurred in your defire as fignified to them. They are tho exact journal of these conferences laid before your majefty, you will difcover nothing in the motives by which we are directed, but the principles of juftice and of rea fon. Sire, your faithful commons will never forget what they owe to their king; never will they lofe fight of the natural alliance between the throne and the people, against ariftocracies, under whatever form, whose power can be eftablished only on the ruins of the regal authority, and the public happiness. The French people, whofe glory it has been at all times to love their king, will always be ready to fpill their blood and lavifh their property in fupport of the genuine principles of the monarchy. From the very first moment that the inftructions received by their deputies will permit them to expreis a national with, you will judge, Sire, whether the representatives of your commons do not prove themfelves the moft anxious of your fubjects to maintain the rights, the honours, the dignities of the throne, to confolidate the public engagements, to reftore the credit of the nation; you will acknowledge likewife, that they are not less juft towards their fellow-citizens, of every clafs, than devoted to your majefty. Your faithful commons are moft deeply affected at the circumftance under which your majefty has the goodnefs to receive their deputation; and they take the liberty to addrefs to your majefty the univerfal expreffion of their re gret, gret, and of their respectful fenfibility. His Majefty's Answer. Gentlemen, rous and happy ftate which fuch an union ought to afford. The ftates general have now been opened more than two months, and have not yet even agreed I receive with fatisfaction the tef- on the preliminaries of its operatimonials of devotion and attach- tions. Inftead of that fource of ment to the monarchy from the re- harmony which fhould fpring from prefe tatives of the third eftate of a love of the country, a moft my kingdom. All the orders of fatal divifion fpreads an alarm the ftate have an equal claim to over every mind. I am willing my favour, and you may rely on to believe, and I fall be happy my kindness and protection. Above to find, that the difpofition of all, I recommend to you fpeedily Frenchmen is not changed: but, to fecond, and that with a spirit to avoid reproaching either of of prudence and of peace, the I fhall confider, that the accomplishment of the benefits I am renewal of the states general after fo impatient to confer on my peo- long a period, the turbulence which ple, and which they confidently preceded it, the object of this expect from my fentiments in their affembly, fo different from that of favour. your ancestors, and many other objects, have led you to an oppofition, and to prefer pretenfions to which you are not entitled. Speech of the King of France to the Gentlemen, A T the time I took the refolution of affembling you; when I had furmounted all the difficulties which had threatened a convocation of my ftates; when I had, to use the expreffion, even preconceived the defires of the nation, in manifefting beforehand my wishes for its welfare; I thought to have done every thing which depended on myfeif for the good of my people. It feemed to me, that you had only to finish the work I had begun; and the nation expected impatiently the moment, when, in conjunction with the beneficent views of its fovereign, and the enlightened zeal of its reprefentatives, it was about to enjoy that profpe you, I owe it to the welfare of my kingdom, I owe it to myfelf, to diffipate thefe fatal divifions. It is with this refolution, gentlemen, that I convene you once more around me-I do it as the common father of all my people-I do it as the defender of my kingdom's laws, that I may recal to your memory the true fpirit of your conftitution, and refift thofe attempts which have been aimed against it. But, gentlemen, after having clearly eftablished the refpective rights of the different orders, I expect from the zeal of the two principal claffes-I expect from their attachment to my perfon-I expect from the knowledge they have of the preffing urgencies of the ftate, that in those matters which concern the general good, they fhould be the first to propofe a re-union of confultation and opinion, which I confider confider as neceflary in the present crifis, and which ought to take place for the general good of the kingdom. The Declaration of Rights, which has been agreed to by the National Af fembly of France, and fanctioned by the King, and which forms the Bafis of the new Conflitution of France. THE reprefentatives of the people of France, formed into a national aflembly, confidering that ignorance, neglect, or contempt of human rights, are the fole caufes of public misfortunes and corruptions of government, have refolved to fet forth, in a folemn declaration, thefe natural, imprefcriptible, and unalienable, rights that this declaration being conftantly prefent to the minds of the members of the body focial, they may ever be kept attentive to their rights and their duties: that the acts of the legiflative and executive powers of government being capable of being every moment compared with the end of political inftitutions, may be more refpected; and allo, that the future claims of the citizens, being directed by fimple and inconteftible principles, may always tend to the maintenance of the conftitution, and the general happinefs. For thefe reafons the national affembly doth recognize and declare, in the prefence of the Supreme Being, and with the hope of his blefing and favour, the following facred rights of men and of citizens. I. Men were born and always continue free, and equal in refpect of their rights. Civil diftinctions, therefore, can be founded only on public utility. II. The end of all political affociations is the prefervation of the natural and imprefcriptible rights of man; and thefe rights are liberty, property, fecurity, and refistance of oppreffion. Il. The nation is effentially the fource of all fovereignty; nor can any individual, or any body of men, be entitled to any authority which is not exprefsly derived from it. IV. Political liberty confifts in the power of doing whatever does not injure another. The exercise of the natural rights of every man, has no other limits than thofe which are neceflary to fecure to every other man the free exercife of the fame rights; and thefe limits are determinable only by the law. V. The law ought to prohibit only actions hurtful to fociety. What is not prohibited by the law fhould not be hindered; nor fhould any one be compelled to that which the law does not require. VI. The law is an expreffion of the will of the community. All ci tizens have a right to concur, either perfonally or by their reprefentatives, in its formation. It should be the fame to all, whether it protects or punishes; and all being equal in its fight, are equally eligi ble to all honours. places, and employments, according to their dif ferent abilities, without any other diftinction than that created by their virtues and talents. VII. No man fhould be accused, arrested, or held in confinement, except cept in cafes determined by the law, and according to the forms which it has prescribed. All who promote, folicit, execute, or caufe to be executed, arbitrary orders, ought to be punished: and every citizen called upon or apprehended by virtue of the law, ought immediately to obey, * and renders himfelf culpable by re2 fiftance. VIII. The law ought to impofe no other penalties than fuch as are abfolutely and evidently neceffary; and no one ought to be punished but in virtue of a law promulgated before the offence, and legally ap plied. IX. Every man being prefumed innocent till he has been convicted, whenever his detention becomes indifpenfable, all rigour to him, more than is neceflary to fecure his perion, ought to be provided against by the law. X. No man ought to be molefted on account of his opinions, not even on account of his religious opinions, provided his avowal of them does not disturb the public order established by the law. XI. The unrestrained communi cation of thoughts and opinions being one of the most precious rights of man, every citizen may fpeak, write, and publish freely, provided he is refponfible for the abufe of this liberty in cafes determined by the law." XII. A public force being neceffary to give fecurity to the rights of men and of citizens, that force is inftituted for the benefit of the community, and not for the particular benefit of the perfons to whom it is intrufted. XIII. A common contribution being neceflary for the fupport of the public force, and for defray ing the other expenfes of government, it ought to be divided equally among the members of the community, according to their abilities. XIV. Every citizen has a right, either by himself or his reprefentative, to a free voice in determining the neceffity of public contributions, the appropriation of them, and their amount, mode of affeffment, and duration. XV. Every community has a' right to demand, of all its agents, an account of their conduct. XVI. Every community in which a feparation of powers and a fecurity of rights is not provided for, wants a conftitution. XVII. The right to property being inviolable and facred, no one ought to be deprived of it, except in cafes of evident public neceflity legally afcertained, and on condition of a previous juft indemnity. Extract from the Declaration of the having been convoked on HE ftates of this province. the 2d inftant, the minifter plenipotentiary notified to them a difpatch, figned by the emperor's own hand, which was principally in answer to the addrefs of the firft orders of the flate, on the 29th of January laft. This declaration, fay the ftates, frikes the final blow at our conftitution, in denying us the right of being tried by our own judges, according to the ancient law of the land, and denying the right of the council of Brabant to participate in the legiflation of the country. We |