The Mosaic Creation viewed in the Light of Modern Geology. By George Wight. Fep. 8vo, pp. 276. Glasgow, 1846.This is another of the many able and well-directed efforts now making to reestablish a distinct and well-defined connection and harmony betwixt the facts of natural science and the truths of theology. The author is the pastor of the Congregational Church at Doune, and the volume is the substance of a series of popular lectures, delivered to his own people in the course of last winter, on the first chapter of Genesis, with the view of showing that the statements of the Mosaic narrative are not contradicted by the established phenomena of physical science, especially geology. The first four chapters are properly introductory, and comprise an illustration of the relations of the Bible to philosophical facts and theories, an examination of the construction of the Mosaic narrative, of the import of the terms employed, and of Professor Powell's theory, in his article on "Creation" in Kitto's Biblical Cyclopædia, in which, treating of the Mosaic narrative of the creation, he affirms that "it cannot be history -it may be poetry." This the author very properly rejects as untenable. The next eight chapters are devoted to an examination of the age of the earth, as indicated by the older, middle, and newer Palaeozoic periods; the older, middle, and newer secondary periods; and the tertiary period; with general remarks upon the different formations. He then proceeds to consider the state of the earth at the opening of the historic period, and to determine the question whether the creative days of the Mosaic narrative are to be regarded as indefinite periods or not; and subsequently to examine separately the work of each day, and its agreement with the facts and revelations of science. In a concluding chapter, he reviews the general order in creation, the theory of development, the harmony betwixt the Bible and science-the cause of its rejection by men-the obligation upon christians to cultivate an acquaintance with the sciences, &c. The volume is introduced by a Recommendatory Note by the Rev. Dr Alexander of Edinburgh, in which be expresses an opinion that more sound, sensible, instructive, and safe book upon the subject of which it treats, could not be circulated among the inquiring and reading community of this country;" and in this opinion, so far as we have yet been to examine the work, we concur.

a

The Doctrine of Jehovah addressed to the Parsis, a Sermon preached on the occasion

May 1839, with Supplemental and Illustra tive Documents. By John Wilson, D.D., E.R.S., &c. Fcp. 8vo, pp. 156. Edin. 1846. -We are glad to see that this able and interesting little work has reached a third edition. It will derive additional interest from the recent ordination to the work of the holy ministry amongst his countrymen, of Dhanjíbháí, one of the converts, on the occasion of whose baptism it was preached, and will, we hope, be instrumental in deepening the interest. which is felt in the fate of the few and scattered remnants of one of the greatest nations of antiquity.

Vital Christianity: Essays and Discourses on the Religions of Man and the Religion of God. By Alexander Vinet, D D., Professor of Theology in Lausanne, Switzerland. Translated with an Introduction by Robert Turnbull, Pastor of the Haward Street Church, Boston. 12mo, pp. 356. Glasgow. 1846. This reprint forms one of Mr Collins' excellent series of cheap Standard Works. Dr Vinet's eminence as a Theologian is well known, and his reputation will not suffer from the present work.. The divisions of his subject are the following-Religions of man and the Religion of God the mysteries of Christianity the Gospel comprehended by the heart-Folly of the Truth-the genius of the Gospel-Natural Faith-Christian Faith-Atheism of the Ephesians-Grace and Law-Man deprived of all glory— the principle of Christian Morality Necessity of becoming children-Claims of heaven and earth adjusted-the pursuit of human glory-the power of the Feeble the intolerance of the Gospel -the tolerance of the Gospel - the work of God - Christian joy — Peace in Heaven-the Box of Ointment-the. Samaritan. High and far-reaching themes these, and profoundly and eloquently treated.

The Obligations of the World to the Bible. A series of Lectures_to_Young Men. By Gardiner Spring, D.D., New York. 12mo. pp. 320. Glasgow, 1846. -Another of Mr Collins' cheap reprints, and not the least attractive or valuable of the excellent works it includes. The style is eloquent, forcible, and impressive, well adapted to tell powerfully upon the young and ardent; and the reasoning is worthy of the style, though not devoid of occasional blemishes. The following are the topics discussed in the various Lectures-The use of oral and written language to be ascribed to a supernatural revelation The literary merit of the Scriptures-The obligations of Legislative Science to the Bible-The Bible

friendly to civil liberty-and the foundation of civil liberty and the rights of conscience- the morality of the Bible, its influence upon social institutionsSlavery and on the extent and certainty of Moral Science-the pre-eminence of the Bible in producing Holiness and True Religion, and for the influences of the Holy Spirit-the Obligations of the World to the Bible for the Sabbath, and its influence on human happiness. There are likewise Essays by the Author on "the internal evidences of Revelation -the Church in the Wilderness - the useful Christian-and moral gradations.

The Autographs of the Members of the Evangelical Alliance present at the Conference Meeting in London in August last. London 1846.-This is a perfect treasure for the collectors and fanciers of autographs. What gives it more interest and value, too, is, that (with a few exceptions) there is attached to each signature the place of residence of the party, and the denomination of Christians to which he belongs. It thus supplies the means for ascertaining the composition of the great Alliance meeting in London, and for the

Presbyterian Church of England do. 36
Welsh Calvinistic Methodists,
Primitive Methodists,

Adherents of Scottish Establishmt.do.
Moravians,

"Bible Christians,"

Methodist New Connection,
"Evangelical Friends,"
"Church of God,"

No Denomination specified,
Total from English Churches,
II.-Scottish Churches.

do. 11

do. 5

5

4

4

2

1

22

555

NEW SERIES.-No. IV.

Vol. I.

WE approach this subject with a deep sense of responsibility on our part, and an earnest appeal to our readers of all religious sects and opinions, craving a calm and candid consideration of what we write as a whole, and deprecating any judgment founded on partial or imperfect extracts. We have two special reasons for our anxiety; the first founded generally on the vast practical importance of the questions that are raised; and the second, on the tendencies of the age, that must be mixed up more or less in all discussions of the abstract and general principles on which the settlement of these questions depends,

There are obviously two opposite standing-points from which the propriety of a State provision for education may be viewed. These, in brief technical phraseology, we may call the Establishment and the Voluntary principles. We must be allowed a preliminary remark or two on both of them.

We hold, for ourselves, the former of these principles; and, paradoxical as it may seem, we hold it more and more firmly every day, as we see it to be more and more impracticable-impracticable, of course, we mean in a like sense to that in which it is said of our blessed Saviour on one occasion, that he did not many miracles among a certain people because of their unbelief; and on another, that he could do no miracle because of unbelief. Our impression of the vast value and indispensable importance of the Establishment principle is greatly enhanced by a sense of the very evils in the present constitution of affairs, which have prevented, and which

S

still prevent its full and legitimate application; and we love the theory too more, the more we see that it is but too likely to be postponed till better times, and that the necessity of its postponement is a sore evil in the land.

But we own we have a dread of what seems to be a growing impression in some quarters, that this great principle is one which, if not in itself flexible and accommodating, may yet admit of being carried out in one direction, or in one department, while it is systematically violated as a whole; and that it is better to have it thus applied in some fragmentary way, than to have no practical acknowledgment of it at all. A vote of public approval, or a gift of public money, for a good object, is surely a good thing, so far as it goes, and is to be commended as, in so far, an act of homage to right principles; although there may be sundry other public votes and gifts in the very opposite direction, which we cannot but condemn. A private party, having wealth and influence, is often praised for patronizing a philanthropic or Christian enterprize; and no scruple is felt as to the lawfulness of such patronage being given or accepted, although the same party, in his discretion, may be even more liberally—and in the most direct way too-ministering to the support of error and crime. We blame that support, and we testify to him against it; but we do not on that account object to his spending whatever portion of his means he pleases on behalf of a holy cause. Now why, it is asked, may not this rule be applied to public as well as private do

nations, to communities as well as individuals?

Now here, we would desire to guard against extreme views. And in reference particularly to the sort of incidental and indirect responsibility under which Christian men or Christian societies may lie, regarding the conduct of other parties with whom they may have certain relations, we must beware of any such exaggerated representation as would either fetter Christian liberty, or burden the Christian conscience. We are not ordinarily accountable for the money cast into the treasury, any more than for the meat sold in the shambles. The giving of money to be applied to a good object is as lawful and right as the selling of meat to be eaten for food; and, as a general rule, our immediate personal responsibility does not in either case go beyond the particular matter in which we deal, with our butcher in the one case, and our benefactor in the other.

But even when private parties are the donors, it is sometimes necessary to raise a general preliminary question, not only as to whence their means have come, but also as to whither they are going; especially when any sort of permanent connection, or in particular, a standing pecuniary obligation, is involved; and when the transaction is of such a nature that it cannot be isolated from others of the same kind that may be doubtful or dangerous, but must be viewed as part of a system, for which, as a whole, this application of it, in the special instance at issue, must be held to be a precedent or warrant. And, at all events, we cannot consider a nation, or its rulers, as standing on the same footing with a private party. The principle of a National Establishment of religion is degraded when it is resolved into a mere matter of giving and receiving. The infidel theory of Hume and Adam Smith, which defends a Stateendowment as a political expedient for moderating and managing religious zeal, is a thousand times more respectable. The principle for which alone we care, and which alone we venerate, is that which lays civil communities and civil governments, as such, under precisely the same obligation with individual men, first to know the truth of God

as taught in his word, and then to acknowledge and support it. As to alms bestowed out of mere policy or pity, in ignorance or disregard of the truth, whether for ecclesiastical or for educational purposes, we confess we think the Establishment principle more honoured in the entire "breach," than in such a partial "observance" of it.

For, in the first place, as citizens, we deny that the State has any such discretion in giving alms out of the public money, as a private party has in disposing of the contents of his purse. As to the private party, we are not the keepers either of his conscience or of his cash; and, therefore, when he lays a gift on the altar of truth, we may be approvers of the act, and parties to it, although it may be done by him with an unenlightened conscience, on the principle of laying an equal gift before the shrine of falsehood-or with no conscience at all, on the principle of his being at liberty to do what he will with his own. But when the donor is the State, as such, in its corporate capacity, we must judge of the act as if we ourselves were the doers of it; and as if we did it in the formal character of public functionaries and civil rulers. Now, in that character, we cannot spend the public money capriciously; we must plead conscience, or necessity, for spending it; and especially if we go beyond the mere function of protecting private rights, and preserving public peace or safety-which alone can be regarded as indispensable-if we assume the function of benefactors, we must have clear warrant for the worth and value of our benefactions. this we can only have, at least when it is the minds of men that are to be influenced, by appealing to the word of God, and using alike as our authority and as our instrument, the truth which that word contains. We may have an easier task and a wider discretion when it is their material interests that are to be promoted; and in such public and national undertakings as the making of roads and bridges, the completing of public works, the rewarding of public merit, the encouraging of public improvements, and the adopting of measures for the public health-we may

And

act on views of general expediency. But putting ourselves in the place of the supreme civil power in any community, and supposing the question to be, what is to be done by us in our official character for their mental, as distinguished from their material, interests or, in other words, for the benefit of the people as having minds, and hearts, and souls?-we feel that if we are to interfere in any way, or to any extent, in this most delicate duty, it must be expressly and avowedly on a higher authority than our own wisdom-it must be because God in his word has required it, and precisely as God in his word has directed. And if the circumstances of the age, or of the country, be such as to make it impossible, or inexpedient, thus to interfere, we confess we must regard this as for the time an indication of the Divine will that we ought

not to interfere at all.

It will be seen that we have here touched the limits of some of the most difficult general inquiries that can be raised in the science of abstract or theoretical politics, respecting the proper functions of civil government, as such; and upon points so abstruse we are far from presuming to dogmatize, It will be seen, also, that we have no sympathy with those who would restrict the province of political power to the mere keeping of the public and private peace-thereby, as we think, dishonouring the "ordinance of God," by degrading it to the level of a mere armed, or unarmed, police force. We take a much more comprehensive view of the designs of civil government, believing it to be "the minister of God," not only for the prevention of evil and the redress of wrong, but "for good." But we make a distinction between these two functions: the former being indispensable, and, therefore, universally imperative; the latter, beneficial only, and, therefore, to a considerable extent, discretionary. It must always be the duty of governments to put down tumult, and to see that every one can get and keep his own; but it is not always its duty to make roads and bridges, or to undertake experiments in the arts, and send out voyages of discovery. Again, we separate what

a government may do for the "body and outward estate," so to speak, of the nation, from what it does for "the mind." It is true, the line here may often seem to be dim, uncertain, and shadowy; and there may be debateable ground at points along the borders, between these two regions of the material and the mental interests of a people. Moreover, they overlap, as it were, one another. What is done by a government for the mere physical good of a people, will powerfully affect their mental health and vigour; and still more decidedly, if rulers see their way clear to a right method of mental cultivation, the material prosperity of the empire will be advanced. Still, for practical purposes, the distinction is tangible enough; and it seems to us sufficiently important to justify our dwelling upon it somewhat elaborately. Our object, as we frankly acknowledge, is to detach and isolate the entire ter

ritory of mind, infant, juvenile, and adult-the whole field, in short, which educational and ecclesiastical instruments have to cultivate; and to set it all apart as equally and pre-eminently sacred; with an "odi profanum❞ addressed to the whole "vulgus" of mere secular politicians, and an earnest entreaty to one and all of them to expend their philanthropic enthusiasm, and exhaust their philosophic wisdom in measures of sanatory reform; and if they cannot enter the region of mental training, with the Word of God in their hands, to break up, with that Word, the whole of the fallow-ground, and to sow in every corner its blessed truth-rather, a hundred times rather, to leave it all alone.

Let us not, however, be misunderstood. We by no means intend to maintain that the civil magistrate is exempt from the obligation of consulting the Divine word, and obeying the Divine will, in those other departments of his official work which we have sought to separate from the religious-using that term, religious, in the wide extent now explained ;-nor do we deny that in this last, which we have called the religious, there are many services that he may render, although he stop short of any plan or measure of endow