From the Constitution of New-Hampshire.

"The liberty of the press is essential to the security of freedom "in a state. It ought therefore to be inviolably preserved." Part 1. § 22.

From the Constitution of Vermont.

"That the people have a right to a freedom of speech, and of writing and publishing their sentiments concerning the transac"tions of government, and therefore the freedom of the press ought not to be restrained." Chap. 1. art. 13.

From the Constitution of Connecticut.

§ 5. "Every citizen may freely speak, write, and publish his "sentiments on all subjects, being responsible for the abuse of that "liberty."

§ 6. "No law shall ever be passed to curtail the liberty of speech, or of the press." Art. 1.

From the Constitution of Pennsylvania.

"That the printing-presses shall be free to every person who un"dertakes to examine the proceedings of the legislature, or any "branch of the government; and no law shall ever be made to re"strain the right thereof. The free communication of thoughts and opinions is one of the invaluable rights of man; and every citizen "may freely speak, write, and print ON ANY SUBJECT, being respon "sible for the abuse of that liberty." Art. 9. 97.

The Constitutions of Ohio, Kentucky, Tennessee, Indiana, Illinois, Missouri, and Louisiana, contain declarations and provisions, in nearly the same words with the preceding; and the freedom of speech and of the press in all of the remaining states, except NewJersey and Rhode-Island, is secured to the citizens by express provisions in their respective Constitutions.

SENTIMENTS OF GEORGE M'DUFFIE.

The following are extracts from the message of George M' Duffie, to the legislature of South Carolina at their session commencing November, 1835. After entering into a consideration of the measures and sentiments of the abolitionists, he says:"It is my deliberate opinion, that the laws of every community, "should punish this species of interference by DEATH WITHOUT "BENEFIT OF CLERGY.*. .... No humane institution, in my

* He makes no difference between colonizationists and abolitionists, but denounces the same sentence against both, as will be

seen.

"opinion, is more manifestly consistent with the will of God, than domestic slavery. If we look into the elements of which "all political communities are composed, it will be found that ser"vitude in some form, is one of the essential constituents,

.....

In

"the very nature of things, there must be classes of persons to "discharge all the different offices of society, from the highest to "the lowest, .. Where these offices are performed by members "of the political community, a dangerous element is obviously in"troduced into the body politic. Hence, the alarming tendency "to violate the rights of property by agrarian legislation, which "is beginning to be manifest in the older states, where universal "suffrage prevails without domestic sluvery; a tendency that will "increase in the progress of society, with the increasing inequality "of wealth. No government is worthy the name that does not pro"tect the right of property, and no enlightened people will long submit "to such a mockery, . In a word, the institution of domestic "slavery, supersedes the necessity of an order of nobility, and all "the other appendages of a hereditary system of government. “Domestic slavery, therefore, instead of being an evil, is the corner "stone of our republican edifice. No patriot, who justly estimates "our privileges, will tolerate the idea of emancipation at any period "however remote, or on any condition of pecuniary advantage, however favourable. I would as soon think of opening a negotiation "for selling the liberties of the state at once, as] for making any "stipulation for the ultimate emancipation of our slaves. "If the legislature should concur in these views of this important "element of our political and social system, our confederates "should be distinctly informed, in any communications we may "have occasion to make to them, that in claiming to be exempt from "all foreign interference, we can recognise no distinction between "ultimate and immediate emancipation... It behoves us there

.....

❝fore, to demand of all the non-slaveholding states. 1. A formal, "and solemn disclaimer by its legislature, of the existence of any "rightful power, either in such state, or the United States in con66 gress assembled, to interfere in any manner with the institution "of domestic slavery in South Carolina. 2. The immediate pas"sage of penal laws by such legislatures, denouncing against the "incendiaries of whom we complain, such punishments as will speedily and for ever suppress their machinations against our

"peace and safety . . . The liberal, enlightened, and magnani"mous conduct of the people in many portions of the non-slave"holding states, forbids us to anticipate a refusai on the part of "those states, to fulfil those high obligations of national faith and 66 duty."

These are the real sentiments of George M'Duffie, of South Carolina, as he declares with solemn asseverations of sincerity. They are briefly stated in his own language, omitting for the want of room, his multifarious illustrations which can neither advantage their author, nor allay the indignation which they cannot fail to arouse in every virtuous breast. If it were not decreed by heaven, that nothing before the last trump should disturb the quiet of the dead, such startling doctrines, prononuced by the chief magistrate of one of the states of this republic, would be sufficient to call forth the shade of JEFFERSON from its long repose.

That consistent advocate of freedom had prepared a proposition to be presented to the legislature of Virginia, in 1785, for the emancipation of all slaves born after the passage of the act. Upon learning, while in France, that this proposition had not been taken up by the legislature, and that no provision had been made for the general emancipation of the slaves, he expresses his feelings in the following vehement language :

"What a stupendous, what an incomprehensible machine is "man! Who can endure toil, famine, stripes, and imprisonment, "and death itself, in vindication of his own liberty, and the next "moment be deaf to all those motives whose powers supported "him through his trial, and inflict on his fellow-men a bondage, "one hour of which is fraught with more misery than ages of that "which he rose in rebellion to oppose! But we must await with "patience the workings of an overruling Providence, and hope that "he is preparing the deliverance of these our suffering brethren. "When the measure of their tears shall be full-when their 66 groans shall have involved heaven itself in darkness, doubtless "a God of justice will awaken to their distress, and by diffusing "light and liberality among their oppressors, or, at length, by his "exterminating thunder, manifest his attention to the things of "this world, and that they are not left to the guidance of a blind "fatality."

The following paragraph was written by Mr. Jefferson in 1821, in allusion to the above mentioned proposition.

66

"It was found," says he, "that the public mind would not yet "bear the proposition, nor will it bear it even at this day. Yet "the day is not distant when it must bear and adopt it, or worse will "follow; NOTHING is MORE CERTAINLY WRITTEN IN THE BOOK OF 66 FATE, THAN THAT THESE PEOPLE ARE TO BE FREE. Nor is it less "certain that the two races, equally free, cannot live in the same government. Nature, habit, opinion, have drawn indelible lines "of distinction between them. It is still in our power to direct "the process of emancipation and deportation peaceably, and in "such slow degree, as the evil will wear off insensibly, and their "place be, pari passu, filled up with free white labourers. If, on "the contrary, it is left to force itself on, human nature must shud"der at the prospect held up. We should in vain look for an ex"ample in the Spanish deportation, or deletion of the Moors."This precedent would fall far short of our case.'

It was long ago predicted by European writers of the first distinction, that the southern states are "destined to become the scene of NEGRO DOMINION, and A THORN IN THE SIDE of the giant rePUBLIC." And yet we are told, that the free citizens of the north, who shall attempt to avert so appalling a calamity by the exercise of a timely commiseration "for these our suffering brethren," and by "diffusing light and liberality among their oppressors," and entreating them, by their regard for the laws of the God that made them, and their love for the country that gave them birth, to provide for the ultimate, but certain abolition of this unjust system, ought to be punished by death.

BLOCKING UP THE UNITED STATES MAIL.

The Governor of Georgia, in his message to the legislature of that state, at the session commencing in November, 1835, recommends such an alteration of the existing laws as will "more effec"tually prevent the circulation, through the post-office or other"wise, of any publication tending to interrupt their social rela"tions, or calling in question their constitutional right of property." The design is to exclude all anti-slavery publications from the state, whether they advocate immediate or gradual emancipation, in defiance of the laws of the United States.

66

No. VII.

THE TRUE PRINCIPLES AND SENTIMENTS OF THE ABOLITIONISTS,

To the Public.

In behalf of the American Anti-Slavery Society, we solicit the candid attention of the public to the following declaration of our principles and objects. Were the charges which are brought against us made only by individuals who are interested in the continuance of slavery, and such as are influenced solely by unworthy motives, this address would be unnecessary: but there are those who merit and possess our esteem, who would not voluntarily do us injustice, and who have been led by gross misrepresentations to believe that we are pursuing measures at variance not only with the constitutional rights of the south, but with the precepts of humanity and religion. To such we offer the following explanations and assurances.

1st. We hold that Congress has no more right to abolish slavery in the southern states, than in the French West India islands. Of course, we desire no national legislation on the subject.

2d. We hold that slavery can only be lawfully abolished by the legislatures of the several states in which it prevails, and that the exercise of any other than moral influence to induce such abolition is unconstitutional.

3d. We believe that Congress has the same right to abolish slavery in the District of Columbia that the state governments have within their respective jurisdictions, and that it is their duty to efface so foul a blot from the national escutcheon.

4th. We believe that American citizens have the right to express and publish their opinions of the constitution, laws, and institutions of any and every state and nation under heaven; and we mean never to surrender the liberty of speech, of the press, or of conscience, blessings we have inherited from our fathers, and which we intend, as far as we are able, to transmit unimpaired to our children.

5th. We have uniformly deprecated all forcible attempts on the part of the slaves to recover their liberty. And were it in our power to address them, we would exhort them to observe a quiet and peaceful demeanour; and would assure them, that no insurrectionary movement, on their part, would receive from us the slightest aid or countenance.