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of the Russell Administration. It was not easy to do so without according at least some share of power and perquisites to the democrats; but although the appetites of some of them were gratified in a small way, it was impossible to conciliate the leaders without submitting to a far greater partition of power than would have suited the arrangements of the Whigs. Latterly, therefore, there was mutiny in the Liberal camp. Lord John Russell's right to the leadership, and his capability of discharging its functions in a creditable and effective manner, were boldly and openly questioned by more than one leader of the free-lances. Their party traditions, about which the Whigs are so fond of gabbling, were sneered at and laughed to scorn; and Whiggery, in its simple form, became a creed which no man was eager to avow. He who has failed to observe, during the last month, since the election movements generally commenced, the odium in which Whiggery is held by the ultra Liberals throughout the country, must indeed have been a negligent spectator of passing events. "Can we carry a Whig candidate?" is question now commonly asked and anxiously considered in places which, a few years ago, were entirely under Whig domination.

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If the Whigs really had a principle beyond the rules of expediency, or if those traditions of theirs could be reduced to anything like a settled line of action, there might yet be hope for them as a party; but there neither is, nor has been for many years, anything in their conduct or policy to inspire enthusiasm, or to gain them efficient recruits from the rising generation. The liberal youth become Radicals, not Whigs. Why should they do otherwise? They are told every day that Whigs and Radicals are both members of the great Liberal party; and as there is really no distinctive boundary, they naturally pass to the extreme. It is a vast mistake to suppose that a juste milieu party can be maintained without a principle. A party so situated, or so constituted, has lost the power of propagation; and this is precisely the position of the Whigs. They are daily losing ground in the country; but their prejudices are so strong, and their con

ceit is so largely developed, that they cannot be brought to apprehend the true reason of their decadence.

We are sorry to be compelled to write thus, because it consists with our knowledge that a great many persons, who hitherto have called themselves Whigs, are deeply mortified and ashamed of the conduct of their leader since he lost his tenure of office. The open advances which he made to the Radicals-his solemn consultations with them-the humility and almost contrition which he evinced when the intimation was given that his Government had not been constructed upon a sufficiently "Liberal" basis-and his evident anxiety to assure the democrats that, if opportunity were offered him, that error at least should be amended,—all these things, we say, were little calculated to inspire confidence in the minds of men who already regarded his reform measure as a dangerous and uncalledfor innovation. And the question now arises for them to considerwhat, under such circumstances, are they to do? What line of conduct ought they to pursue in the exercise of their electoral franchise? The Conservative and the Radical alike know their course, and can have no difficulty in following it. The moderate Whig, or the man who has hitherto professed himself as such, is indeed in an embarassing position. He is, in truth, without any leader; for, though he might have accepted, sorely against his will, Lord John's late progressive panaceas, he cannot bring himself to believe that a Government maintaining the Manchester doctrines could be otherwise than pernicious, and probably destructive, to the country; yet, by voting for a thick - and - thin supporter of Lord John Russell, he is plainly contributing to promote the crisis which he regards with absolute horror. For there is no medium. The old standard has totally disappeared. James Graham, who is recruiting on his own account, is bidding boldly against Lord John; but although that intrepid knight appeals audaciously to the antecedents of his political career, quite enough is known regarding it to make any honest man, who values his character, shy of giving in his adhesion to such a

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moss-trooping adventurer. One must needs be as unscrupulous as Christie of the Clinthill, to take service with him of Avenel. And it is undoubtedly a very pregnant, and, we believe, an unprecedented fact, that, out of the many addresses which have yet been issued by intending candidates, not one sets forth, as a ground of confidence, the fact that the issuer was a regular supporter of the measures of the Whig Government. No one has ventured to rest his claims upon that; on the contrary, there is an evident disposition shown to select and parade some occasion on which the Whig member voted directly in the teeth of Lord John Russell-whether by sufferance or not, Mr Tuffnell only knows. So that, when facing a constituency, it is universally acknowledged to be no recommendation that the candidate went along with the late Ministry! What inference are we to draw from that as to the general estimation in which my Lord John Russell is held?

The general inference which we draw from it is-that there no longer exists in the State a Whig party, properly so called. Its leaders have abandoned principle-never having had much to abandon-and gone over to the camp of the Radicals, where they abide rather as inglorious hostages than as honoured guests. Every man is now free to think and act for himself. If he is in favour of democracy, he has only to follow the example of his old leaders-if he prefers constitutional doctrines, he must necessarily support Lord Derby; for, in truth, there is no other choice left to him. The Radical party is not by any means to be despised. It carries with it great numerical strength, some wealth, and no inconsiderable amount of active intellect. Its leaders have this advantage over the Whigs, that they know what they want, and have no scruple about adopting any means to gain their object. They are well experienced in warfare and strategy, and have-we shall not deny it achieved at least one triumph, however scandalously gained, which has served them better than many an honest victory. When the late Sir Robert Peel avowed that the men of the Manchester school had conquered his conviction upon one most impor

tant point of national economy, he did more to elevate the Radicals than could have been effected by the lifelong labours of a dozen of their ablest champions. Lord John Russell's subsequent concessions to them can hardly be regarded as triumphs.

We, of course, deny the doctrines of the Radical party, and set them at utter defiance. We know very well what they want, and so does every one who is possessed of an ounce of intellect. There may be among them, unquestionably, shades of opinion as to the extent to which democratic innovation should be carried-some adopting America as a model, and others confining their aspirations, as we lately heard a railway director phrase it, to the establishment of a

monarchical republic." But in one thing they are all agreed; and that is, to open the floodgates with all convenient speed, leaving the question of the proper amount of hydraulic pressure to be afterwards determined. On that issue they come before the electors; and on that, in the space of a day or two, the public have to decide. There is no great difficulty in such a case, when Conservatism—that is, attachment to, and determination to uphold, the fundamental institutions of the country-is opposed to that vague desire for change which has ruined every nation in which it has become a ruling passion. But what are we to do with the Whig candidates—more especially with such of them as are "Ministerial Whigs?" The point is worth consideration.

In the first place, what good is to be gained by the return of a "Ministerial Whig?" He is simply a benchman of Lord John Russell; and Lord John, as we all know, is at present in a very anomalous position, having no camp of his own, and sojourning in the tents of the Philistines. Nor is there any prospect whatever of his being allowed to resume his independence. Just as the Marquises of Montserrat appeared of yore at the Crusades, nominally at the head of a splendidly equipped body of Estradiots, who apparently obeyed their masters, but were actually under the control of a mean-looking emissary in black, who was the representative of the junta of Venice-so does Lord John Russell now come forward as

the ostensible leader of the party, whilst, in reality, there is a Manchester "gentleman in black" at his elbow, who directs the whole motions of the squadron. Such power is never exercised indiscreetly. The plenipo from Venice did not venture to issue direct orders to the troops-he contented himself with indoctrinating the Marquis for the time being, in private, and in that way contrived to manage matters without creating a public scandal. But not the less, on that account, were the Estradiots under his command. Now we look upon the "Ministerial Whigs," as no better than so many Estradiots. Their fealty may be undoubted, when the orders are once given, but it is very important to understand who has the issuing of the orders. And we shall frankly state, without reservation, that we have no predilection in favour of those same Estradiots. Mercenaries ought always to be regarded with the eye of suspicion; and the term "mercenary," in our times, requires a liberal interpretation. We do not apply it, or wish to apply it, in any offensive sense. We recognise perfectly, in adherence to hereditary notions, and even connection, a fine spirit in some cases, in others a dogged resolution, which is said to form part of the English character. But these qualities, however commendable they may be in the abstract, may be very ill applied. Mephistopheles describes himself as the spirit that is always obstructive :

"Ich bin der Geist, der stets verneint!" And we fear that a good many of the 46 Ministerial Whigs," who are at present supplicating electoral support, would be puzzled to explain to the constituencies what line of conduct they propose to adopt beyond inveterate and determined opposition to her Majesty's present Government. This is simply faction in its worst form; and the man who pursues such a course is we need not mince the matter-acting a disloyal part. Large license has always been conceded in this country to the conduct of parties, so long as parties, however differing from each other in opinion and in principle, were content to abide within the prescribed limits of the Constitution, and were actuated rather by re

gard to the public welfare, than by desire of political supremacy. The bartering of principle for popular support-the selling, as it were, of conviction for the miserable aims of ambition-was but a recent innovation; and, if we are to believe their own historian, Mr Roebuck, it originated entirely with the Whigs. Since then, we have beheld the humiliating spectacle of rival chiefs, regardless of their duties to the Crown, bidding eagerly against each other, abandoning religious principle, and surrendering vested interests without remorse, if by so doing they could either secure or continue the supremacy of their party. It is against that system, the effects of which will long be felt, both in the mother country and in the colonies, that Lord Derby has taken his stand; and all those who wish well to the British Constitution have reason to congratulate themselves that the reins of Government are held by so strong and vigorous a hand. With the cuckoo cry of education on his lips, but with no corresponding ideas or matured scheme in his brain, Lord John Russell was ready to have swamped the intelligence of the existing electoral body, by the admission of a roaring torrent of ignorance, prejudice, and irreligion. The people, according to his enlightened notion, were to have votes first, and to be taught their duties afterwards. In his own person, the expremier stands at this moment as the most notable example of the evils of that system of pandering to popularity for political support, of which he may almost be considered the originator. The consequences of his conduct have been the ruin of his once powerful party, and a material diminution of that respect in which his name was formerly held.

In every instance, therefore, in which a notorious Ministerial Whig appears in the field, the electors ought, if possible, to extract from him a distinct enunciation of the principles on which he proposes to act. This may not be an easy matter, for Whig candidates, under such circumstances, are as slippery as eels, and it requires some skill to hold them. To force a declaration of policy from a very experienced Whig might almost puzzle a conjuror; for the veteran

shuffler has seen too many changes in his day to let him commit himself lightly; and, moreover, he has always in his budget a large stock of commonplaces which he can apply with considerable dexterity. It is pleasant to hear him talk of "the spirit of the age," and "the stream of onward progress." Next follows an allusion to Mrs Partington and her mop, sweeping back the waters of the Atlantic"-a humorous figure very much in request at the Whig side of the hustings; or, if the orator affects the historical vein, he will make direct reference to Canute. We flatter ourselves that we have contributed to abolish appeals to "the Revolution settlement of 1688,” which used to be dragged in with such amazing pomposity; and, certainly, remarks about Sidney and Hampden are not quite so common as they were. But the words "reform," "education," and "improvement," are stock terms; and they admit of expansion by means of expletives to almost any extent. The worst of it is that such terms do not refer to any existing ideas in the mind of the speaker; but, for all that, they are brave words, and, when uttered by a voluble Pistol, may impose upon a credulous Fluellen. It will, however, be both prudent and satisfactory to get a little deeper than this, and to ascertain the intentions of the Parliamentary candidate, with regard both to the present Ministry and to the late leader of his own party; for we know the nature of the man too well to anticipate that Lord John Russell will not use every means in his power, and avail himself of any opportunity that may occur, to prevent a fair exposition of the policy of Lord Derby from being laid before the next Parliament. These are tactics which have been adopted before now, and may be attempted again, and their object and effect is to damage an Administration before it has announced its scheme of action. Such a line of conduct is neither fair nor honest, nor does it ever receive the approbation of the country; still, it is necessary to be prepared for every contingency. Lord John Russell knows very well that he cannot again attempt to conduct the business of the country on the same footing and with the same col

leagues as heretofore. In the last Parliament he had every advantage which a statesman could desire; and yet, after five years of blundering, vacillation, and expediency, he ignominiously fell. In vain has he endeavoured in his manifesto, issued to the electors of the city of London, to represent himself in the light of a high-minded martyr-of an Aristides sent into banishment solely because he was styled the Just. The parallel will not hold. What cardinal virtue Lord John Russell may affect specially to represent, we do not know; but we never heard him talked of either as the Wise or the Just. Besides, as we are told by Plutarch, Aristides acquiesced in his sentence; the late leader of the Whigs is clearly in rebellion against his. These manifestoes, which the noble lord seems to find a peculiar delight in promulgating, are sometimes rather damaging to the author. This one, in particular, is not likely to exalt him in the eyes of the nation, for it contains no clear explanation of the causes of his Ministerial failure. If all his measures were good, as he says they were for he has ever imitated the Pope in claiming infallibility as his attribute-how comes it that he is not now in office? He was supposed to command a good working majority at the commencement of the late Parliament; what has become of it since? What malignant demon interfered to prevent him from taking as usual his whitebait this summer at Blackwall, along with Mr Wilson of Westbury and his other convivial colleagues? It was public opinion that drove him from his seat; and, in spite of all that has been written or said to the contrary, public opinion, as regards him, has undergone no manner of change. His is not a mind capable of originating, considering, or carrying into effect any comprehensive measure. His dogmatism prevents him from seeing, and, of course, from acknowledging, any error of judgment in the course which he has once thought proper to pursue. Free Trade may have caused vast ruin among the producing classes of the country-may have swelled the tide of emigration tenfold-may have laid Ireland desolate; yet still it is to be persevered in, and, if possible, extended, because it was taken up by

the Whigs. Nay, even when cases of gross injustice and oppression are shown to have arisen from the operation of the present commercial system, he is prepared to refuse all remedy for these, because they are the results of Free Trade, which theory he has honoured by his adoption. And it is impossible not to see that, in his recent attempts to lower the franchise, he was less actuated by any sense of the abstract justice and propriety of such a measure, than by a hope of repairing the loss of his popularity by means of a dangerous agitation. Few, except his own immediate satellites, and those who, along with him, were driven from office, and who are naturally desirous to regain it, wish to see Lord John Russell again installed as the First Minister of the Crown. Possibly, also, the Radicals may wish it, as the easiest and readiest method of achieving the great object of their ambition; but let them once be brought in along with Lord John Russell-let a Cabinet once be constructed of Whigs and Radicals, and from that day forward the leadership will pass into other hands. It is to us quite amazing that a man of Lord John Russell's experience should be blind to the inevitable consequences of such an unnatural union, which, irrespective of the injury it would assuredly entail upon the best interests of the country, could only end in his own degradation. Are there no points of vast difference existing between him and Mr Cobden? Is he prepared to adopt the ballot, and extend the suffrage as far as the latter would desire? Is he at one with him in his view regarding armaments, and willing to adopt the suggestions of the Peace Congress, which would leave the shores of Great Britain exposed to hostile invasion? Is he ready to undertake a crusade against the Church, to deprive the prelates of their seats in the House of Peers, and even to abolish the Upper Chamber as an institution unsuited to the spirit of the times? Is he prepared, also, to provoke the hostility of foreign states, at the same time when he is taking steps for reducing the military establishments of Britain? Is he prepared to cast off the Colonies as encumbrances, and to absolve them from

their allegiance to the mother country, leaving them to form elsewhere what new alliances they please? If not prepared to do these things-and we trust and believe that he is not so prepared-why was it that he made such broad and unequivocal advances to the Radical party? Why did he, in the first moments of opposition, go to Mr Cobden, supplicate his advice, and place himself in a great measure in his hands? No one will believe that the men of Manchester, who have never scrupled to express something very like contempt for the policy and measures of the noble lord, were to be won over simply by an idle compliment, or that they would accord him their support without making their own terms, and having good security for the fulfilment of the bargain. We would very anxiously entreat those of the electors who, though professing Liberal opinions, are utterly averse to such schemes of wild innovation as are advocated by the chiefs of the Radicals, to consider deliberately how far they are entitled, directly or indirectly, to support a man who has placed himself in such a position. Let them also maturely consider what would be the consequences of that support, should it again lead to a Ministerial crisis and change. The return of the Whigs to power is plainly a thing impossible. There must be a coalition, and that coalition can only take place between the Whigs and the Radicals. The latter party never give way-the former never maintain their ground. A Whig-Radical Ministry might not last-we have too much reliance on the good sense of the country to suppose that possible-but it might continue long enough in office to do us incalculable harm. For example, it might, and in all probability would, destroy our relations with foreign powers, and, perhaps, not only endanger, but disturb the peace of Europe. It might stir up agitation at home by propounding visionary schemes; and excite a crusade against property by the revival of the Socialist doctrines. It might throw our Colonies into rebellion, and lose to us for ever the fairest parts of our Empire. And for what weighty object are such hazards to be incurred?

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