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vs. 646: Conscendit furibunda rogos, ensemque recludit Dardanium, non hos quaesitum munus in usus.

Ov. H. 7, 185:

Perque genas lacrimae strictum labuntur in ensem, lacrimae volvuntur inanes.

cf. Aen. 4, 449:

Ov. H. 7, 186:

Qui iam pro lacrimis sanguine tinctus erit.
Cf. Aen. 4, 664:

Conlapsam aspiciunt comites, ensemque cruore
Spumantem.

Ov. H. 7, 191: Anna soror, soror Anna.
Cf. Aen. 4, 634:

Annam cara mihi nutrix huc siste sororem.

Anna is mentioned also in Fast. 3, 559, 605, 607, 613 and 654. She finally becomes the goddess Anna Perenna, the bride of the calm river Numicius.

Ov. H. 7, 194:

Hoc tamen in tumuli marmore carmen erit:
'Praebuit Aeneas et causam mortis et ensem,
Ipsa sua Dido concidit usa manu'.

These two lines recur in Fast. 3, 549.
Once more we compare Ep. 2.

vs. 145: Inscribere meo causa invidiosa sepulchro
Aut hoc, aut simili carmine notus eris.

'Phyllida Demophoon leto dedit, hospes amantem:
Ille necis causam praebuit, ipsa manum'.
Theoc. Id. 23, 46:

γράψον καὶ τόδε γράμμα·

τοῦτον ἔρως ἔκτεινεν. ὁδοιπόρε, μὴ παροδεύσῃς, ἀλλὰ στὰς τόδε λέξον· ἀπηνέα εἶχεν ἑταῖρον.» Epitaphs were common in this kind of literature. Cf. Virg. Ecl. 5, 40:

Spargite humum foliis, inducite fontibus umbras,
Pastores: mandat fieri sibi talia Daphnis;

Et tumulum facite, et tumulo superaddite carmen.

Meziriac 2, 237 Closes his remarks on this epistle by quoting

Ausonius,

Infelix Dido, nulli bene nupta marito,

Hoc pereunte fugis, hoc fugiente peris.

Summary to Ep. 7.

We find that Ovid used Virgil in this letter very much as he used Homer in those which we have already examined. The only difference is that he knew his Virgil better than he knew his Homer, or at least better than he knew his Odyssey, for we do not find any mistakes in this letter. He still takes the liberty, however, of making a few changes and additions, though he usually follows the statements of Virgil pretty closely. (For correspondences, see notes on vss. 5 famam, 7 certus es ire, 10 Itala regna sequi, 11 crescentia-moenia, 13 facta fugis, 23 uror, 26 Aenean animo, 37 te lapis et montes, 41 obstat hiemps, 65 Finge te rapido, 69 umbra, 80 presserunt umeros, 89 fluctibus eiectum, 93 Illa dies, 95 Nymphas, 99 sacratus in aede Sychaeus, 113 occidit internas coniunx, 115 Exsul agor, 118 litus emo, 119 Urbem constitui, 121 bella tument, 123 mille procis placui, 125 Iarbas, 139 iubet ire deus, 143 Pergama vix tanto, 150 Pygmalionis opes, 163 Parce, precor, domui, 165 Non ego sum Phthia, 177 Pro meritis, 178 tempora parva peto, 184 Troicus ensis, 191 Anna soror.

For some slight changes see vss. 88 hiemps instead of aestas, 93 illa dies instead of ille, 133 gravidam Didon, 153 si quaerit Iulus (answer to Virg.), 162 Anchises (ans. to Virg).)

In representing the feelings and character of Dido, however, his difference from Virgil is noticeable. In Virgil, Dido is now burning with vengeance for her treacherous lover and the only consolation she finds in the hour of death is in the utterance of dire imprecations upon his head and race. In Ovid, on the contrary, she still loves him, though he deserves it not. She would not regret the breaking of her vow to the shade of Sychaeus, if Aeneas only remained true. She still hopes that

he may meet with no harm. (See note on vs. 61.) As in the other letters, there are a few verses suggestive of other poets. (Cf. vs. 32: castris militet ille tuis

vs. 8: Atque idem venti vela fidemque ferent?)

Epistle 10 (Ariadne).

It seems to have been Ovid's plan to select the most famous works on the several subjects, as his authority for the main facts assumed in these letters. It was a part of his plan to choose characters more or less known in literature, so that he might presuppose among his readers a certain acquaintance with them. On this principle we may, without investigation, regard it as probable that he chose the most famous poem on Ariadne as his source for this letter. What was then the most famous poem on Ariadne at the time of Ovid? We have no direct evidence from Ovid on this point, as we had in the preceding letters. It was, though, very probably the sixty-fourth poem of Catullus.

Cf. Lygdamus, [Tib. 3,] 6, 39:

Gnosia, Theseae quondam periuria linguae
Flevisti ignoto sola relicta mari:

Sic cecinit pro te doctus, Minoi, Catullus,
Ingrati referens inpia facta viri.

In Am. 3, 9. 61 Ovid speaks of Catullus as coming forward to meet Tibullus in Elysium,

Obvius huic venias, hedera iuvenalia cinctus
Tempora, cum Calvo, docte Catulle, tuo.

He speaks again of Catullus, Trist. 2, 427:

Sic tuo lascivo cantata est saepe Catullo etc.

There is moreover in Ovid some interesting indirect evidence that he used Catullus here. Compare, for instances, Cat. 64, 143:

Tum iam nnlla viro iuranti femina credat.

With Ov. Fast. 3, 475 (about Ariadne):

Nunc quoque ",nulla viro" clamabo ,,femina credat"!

This was probably intended by Ovid to recall Catullus; perhaps also Trist. 3, 473:

Dicebam, memini, „periure et perfide Theseu, "

bears the same relation to Cat. 64, 132:

Siccine me patriis avectam, perfide, ab aris,
Perfide, deserto liquisti in litore, Theseu?

(See Haupt, Opusc. 2, 67, quoted on p. 9.)

66

Another example in a different connection of such a use of Catullus, has already been given (see p. 9).

Cf. Cat. 63, 42:

Multi illum pueri, multae optavere puellae:
Idem cum tenui carptus defloruit ungui,
Nulli illum pueri, nullae optavere puellae.
With Ov. Met. 3, 353:

Multi illum iuvenes, multae cupiere puellae;

Sed fuit in tenera tam dura superbia forma,

Nulli illum iuvenes, nullae tetigere puellae.

Ovid treats the story of Ariadne in three places: here he gives the Theseus part; in A. A. 1, 527-564, the Bacchus part; and in Fast. 3, 459-516, we have the transformation of Ariadne's crown into a star. For an outline of the whole story, cf. Met. 8, 172-182.

The story is very old and wide-spread.

Cf. Plut. Thes. c. 20:

πολλοὶ δὲ λόγοι καὶ περὶ τούτων ἔτι λέγονται καὶ περὶ τῆς Αριάδνης, οὐδὲν ὁμολογούμενον ἔχοντες.

It is mentioned in Homer, Od. 11, 321:

Φαίδρην τε Πρόκριν τε ἴδον καλήν τ' Αριάδνην,
κούρην Μίνωος ολοόφρονος, ἣν ποτε Θησεὺς

ἐκ Κρήτης ἐς γουνὸν Αθηνάων ἱεράων

ἦγε μέν, οὐδ ̓ ἀπόνητο· πάρος δέ μιν Αρτεμις εκτα Λίῃ ἐν ἀμφιρύτῃ Διονύσου μαρτυρίῃσιν.

Also in Hes. Theog. 947:

Χρυσοκόμης δὲ Διώνυσος ξανθὴν Ἀριάδνην,
κούρην Μίνωος, θαλερὴν ποιήσατ ̓ ἄκοιτιν.
τὴν δέ οἱ ἀθάνατον καὶ ἀγήρω θῆκε Κρονίων.

Cf. Hes. fr. 85 (Plut. Thes. c. 20) and fr. 86 (Athen. 13 p. 557). Plutarch mentions other writers on this subject (Jon, Paeon). The story was frequently represented in works of art. (See Ellis, Commentary on Catullus, p. 226). In Xen. Symp. c. 9, a man and woman act in pantomime Bacchus and Ariadne. (Ellis.) If we could determine the sources of Cat. 64, it might be of importance here, for it is possible, of course, that Ovid consulted the same sources. Much study and discussion has been bestowed on this question by scholars but no satisfactory results have been obtained. Riese, Rh. M. 21, 498 ff., attempted to show that Catullus had simply translated a poem of Callimachus, but there was not sufficient evidence for this. For a refutation of Riese, see especially Schulze, Jahrbb. 125, 208 ff.

E. Maas, Hermes 24, 528 ff., makes some comparisons between Nonnus (47, 390 ff.) and Catullus and comes to the conclusion that some unknown Greek poem was the common source for the two.

For similarities and differences between Catullus in this poem and the Alexandrians in general, see Ellis, Commentary, p. 228.

Examination of the poem:

Ov. H. 10, 1:

Mitius inveni quam te genus omne ferarum.
Credita non ulli quam tibi peius eram.

For Ariadne's state of mind cf. Cat. 64, 54:
Indomitos in corde gerens Ariadna furores.

Ov. H. 10, 3: litore cf. Cat. 64, 52 litore Diae. See A. A. 1, 528.

Ov. H. 10, 5:

In quo me somnusque meus male prodidit et tu.
Cf. Cat. 64, 56:

Ut pote fallaci quae tum primum excita somno.
Hm. Od. 10, 68:

Κασάν μ' ἕταροί τε κακοὶ πρὸς τοῖσί τε ὕπνος
σχέτλιος.

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