"Are the sentences of your judges peaceably executed? or do appeals and resistance often happen?"

I believe there have been very few instances throughout America, of resistance to the lowest officers of civil government, since the conclusion of the war. The principal fault in the executive of New Jersey, is to be observed in the fheriff's office. These offices being appointed by the people, are often, through a desire of popularity, too dilatory and indul gent in executing the sentences of the court.

"Do your people respect their magistrates more on account of their being elected by themselves ?"

If they have not a greater reverence for the splendour of their power, I believe they have a greater confidence in the equity, and mildness of its exercise. The principal fault in the appointment of the magistracy in some of the states, is, that justices of the peace, and the inferior officers, are too immediately dependent on the suffrage of the people. They are not appointed by the executive branch of the govern ment; and they do not hold their offices during good behaviour, but during pleasure, or for certain limited periods.

"Does a jealousy of Congrefs prevail among you? or are the powers of Congrefs properly defined ?" ·

The several states have hitherto been too jealous, not of what Congrefs is, but of what it may be in a future period. That is the reason that although their powers are defined by explicit articles of confederation, yet they appear to be too much limited.

In war, they seem, by their resolutions, to pofsefs all authority; yet they are too dependent on the concurrence of single states to carry their resolves into effect, and to fulfil their contracts, Reason, indeed, and a sense of common utility, will, while we are exposed to the same dangers, and while our simplicity of manners continues, go very far in inducing the compliance of the states with proper measures that regard the benefit of the whole union ; but there is not, in our confederacy, sufficient security that a particular state interest, or convenience, may not sometimes bias members of the union in their judgement and their votes, and so obstruct or embarrass the general movements.

One of the greatest injuries to Congrefs, since the war, arises from the overcautious policy of the several states, intrusting it with too little power, and retaining too much in their own hands. The men of most distinction and capacity for businefs have generally declined appointments to that body, and chosen rather, since it could be done in peace, to enjoy the honours and emoluments' that were to be obtained at home. There is some reason to fear, lest the influence of Congrefswill continue to decline from the same reason, unlefs the people, roused to a sense of the danger, as well as inutility of their extreme precautions, will concur in vesting their supreme legislature, with a more adequate authority.

"Are all sects equally regarded by your government, and equally eligible to civil offices? or is there any exception made with regard to Roman catholics ?"

There is no exception. And we find the Romars catholics make zealous and attached, citizen's tomthe new states. Their religious principles we do not fear. The American sense of liberty is so high, that we are sure they would not wish to give them-selves a master even in the Pope. If their principles were arbitrary, they are too few in number to meditate any injury to the state. But, in reality, so far are they, both from servility and immorality, that we esteem them at least as pious men, and good citizens as the members of the Church of England.

mas

"Are there no feuds, or oppositions of interest, between the several states of union? are these in any way of being lefsened? or are there any propo→ sals of creating new states to turn the balance this or that way?"

There have been several differences between some of the states with regard to territorial claims, found ed on the charters to the late colonies that constitute. the present states of America; which charters were granted with fhameful ignorance and indiscretion, and with such absolute inattention to the most simple principles of geography, as plainly fhows how little the interests or happinefs of this country, were formerly regarded by the court of Great Britain. Some of these disputes, however, have been amicably settled; those particularly between Pensylvania and Virginia; and between Connecti cut and Pensylvania. Others are in the way of peaceable accommodation. And I believe, they will all be decided, if not with universal satisfaction, at

least with universal acquiescence. The claims that are most delicate, and which now prefs most fur de. cision, are those which New York, New Hampshire, and Massachussets have upon each other. But these states manage them so coolly, and so rationally, that I cannot believe any injury will arise from them to to the public peace and union. soon to be received into the this will be an acquisition to the northern stapes, it is probable the southern ones will the more readily consent to the erection of a new state on the waters of the Ohio behind Virginia. It will, for some time at least, be a point of policy in Congrefs to keep the northern and southern influence as nearly balanced as pofsible.

Vermont is likely confederacy, sand bas

Thus I have answered the greater part of your inquiries, except those in the first page, which re serve till another opportunity. In answering them, I think I have not been biafsed by any predilection for my own country. I see its faults as well as feel its advantages. Its greatest fault, in my opinion,» is on the subject of religion; and it is a capital one. But in New England, we have not by any means paid it that attention, or given it that public support which good policy, not to mention piety, would require. We have neglected one of the most powerful springs of that virtue, which is essential to the prosperity and existence of republics. The state has left the care of religion solely to providence, and its ministers. It has provided only, that it shall not be persecuted. I am far from thinking this all the acknowledgement men are bound to make to God

for his goodness in sending them the true religion; or to religion, for the benefits it confers upon the state. Our negligence in this respect, is one of the fruits of our extreme idea of liberty, and one of its most injurious effects.

Ifhall be happy to hear from you, and to receive your remarks, or your farther commands.

I am, reverend Dr, your most obedient humble servant, SL STH.

CONCERNING THE NATURE AND CHARACTER OF RE

LIGIOUS CONTROVERSY.

La B

For the Bee

E are informed by Mr Anquetil de Perron, that about seventy years ago, there arose among the Parsis of the region of Surat in India, two sects, which opposed each other with the most furious zeal. One of these sects was called the ancient believers, "by a phrase tantamount to catholics; the other, the reformers, and the schism commenced on the following occasion:

There came from Kirman a Destour Mobed * of great abilities, whose name was Djamasp, and who was sent to compose these differences which had arisen among the Parsis concerning the Penom, a piece of linen about nine inches square, which the Parsis, at certain times, placed upon the middle of their noses, so that it hung down and covered their mouths.

The Destour Mobed is he who unites the qualifications of a priest and a deacon, and is learned in the canon law of Hindostan.