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have been cast upon both, by shewing not only in this instance, that the charge is either groundless or greatly exaggerated; but by establishing, still farther, that the present discontents in Ireland are not occasioned by any oppression on the part of his Majesty's Ministers; but have principally their origin in the factious views of some individuals, and the traitorous designs of others. I have the honour to be, my Lord, &c. &c.
We observe that it has been given out in Orders amongst the Editors of the Jacobin Prints, to commence a violent attack on the French System under ROBESPIERRE; and their language is faithfully copied by Persons of the same sentiments in other places. The Writers and Orators, who, in each stage of the Revolution, while each lasted, were employed only in palliating its Crimes, or in praising it at the expence of their own Country, are now indulging themselves in invectives against its former Tyranny and Extortion. They can now ring the changes on Assignats and Mandats, on Forced Loans and Requisitions—they can now expose a System which substitutes an unlimited and unfounded issue of Paper for Money—and, for Taxation, Universal Plunder, enforced by Violence and Terror: yet in all this, at the time that it existed, they only discovered the new and unparalleled Resources of regenerated France; or, if there were instances of Fraud, Cruelty, and Oppression, which they could not disguise, they faintly lamented the partial Ex
cesses which must occasionally attend the enthusiastic efforts of Republican Virtue struggling in the Cause of Liberty.
This Change of language, at first view, seemed ex traordinary ; but it is easily accounted for on nearer observation, and on considering the manner in which it is applied with respect both to France and to this Country.
With respect to France, it is remarkable, that in vent. ing all their rage against the reign of ROBESPIERRE, they lose nothing of their respect for his faithful Disciples and Imitators, the present Directory of France. The same topics and phrases are still reserved to do honour to the Festival of the 4th of September, which were before employed to celebrate the other Red-Letter-Days in the Revolutionary Calendar. The design, as applied to this Country, however preposterous and incredible it might at first be thought, is too openly acted upon to be mistaken. The past horrors of the Revolution are now recalled only for the purpose of obstructing, if possible, our efforts in resisting the dangers with which the effects of that Revolution sill threaten us. With this view they have conceived the curious project of endeavouring to persuade us that every measure now proposed for combating the ambition of the Enemy, is borrowed from the Revolution. Those who have for years been preaching its Principles and commending its Practice, now gravely express their apprehensions, “ that in every thing we are destined to be the imitators of the French."
Is it proposed that the Bank should make any advance for the Public Service, however secured, or however li. mited in amount or in time? They immediately sound the alarm--They see at once in this measure, an adoption of the whole system of French Assignats. It is in vain
to state, that the Bank are desired to furnish only Three Millions for a limited time, and on unquestionable security —that their advances to Government, including this sum, will be far less than the amount at which they have generally stood for a long series of years, both in War and Peace that the sufficiency of their Funds is unquestion. able—that they can spare the money without inconveni. ence, and employ it thus with advantage to themselves that their Notes are every where received at par-that the issue will not increase their paper beyond what the circu. lation of the Country naturally calls for—and that it will, as far as it goes, supply Government with money at a cheaper rate of interest, and with less difficulty, than the same sum could otherwise be procured. All this may be true. It is true too, that the issue of Assignats in France had no limit in the amount, and rested on no solid Security—it actually was carried to the amount of above Three Hundred Millions--it was issued at a discount that reduced it successively to a half, a fourth, a tenth, a buna dredth of its nominal value, and increased in the same proportion the Public Expence.—Their circulation, while they had any, was maintained only by Force, and led to nothing but national bankruptcy and individual ruin.---All this the Jacobin Writers and Orators know as well as we do; but, for all this, they will not abandon their fimile. By repeating the assertion often enough, they expect at last, though they cannot talk themselves into believing it, to talk the world (as they have done in many other instances) into admitting it.
The same sort of battery has been opened against other parts of the Plan of Finance now under consideration; and we may expect a brisker fire, in proportion as they see the extent to which the Plan is likely to contribute to
the support of Public Credit, and to strengthen our exertions against the Enemy.
That we are unavoidably driven to the continuance of the War in our own defence, because the Enemy will neither discuss our Terms of Peace, nor propose any themselves, is notorious and undisputed. The necessity of unusual exertion at such a.crisis is not denied. The general wealth of the Country, and its power to sustain a great effort, are universally admitted. , It is at the same time generally felt, that the greatest inconvenience to be apprehended from the continued expence of War, is the too great accumulation of our Capital, and the farther depreciation which might be apprehended in the Funds; and on this idea the hopes and projects of the Enemy are known, and avowed principally to rest.
Under these circumstances, it is proposed to reduce the Loan within safe and moderate limits, by raising a large part of the Supplies within the year, from a Contribution diffused over as large a proportion as possible of the Property of the Country.
A Plan is also suggested for redeeming, by the same means, a large proportion of whatever is borrowed, so rapidly as to prevent the State from feeling any permanent incumbrances upon it. The Tax for this purpose, is proposed to be levied on a scale which will be distributed in a proportion apparently fair over all the principal classes of society. It exempts altogether the poorer order, and it admits of reduction and abatement in favour of any descriptions included in it, on which it might bear with peculiar hardship. Such a plan has in it, at first view, enough to recommend it to the Friends of the Country, and the Enemies of France; enough, of course, to excite the utmost alarm among the Writers and Statesmen to
whom we have referred. The spirit and zeal of the Nation appears so high, that there is little doubt of their being inclined chearfully to adopt so prudent and vigourous a measure. Should this happen, the chief hopes of our Foreign Enemy, and of their Partizans at home, will at once be frustrated. The prophecies of Bankruptcy and Ruin are at an end. The Determination and Resources of the Country will be proved beyond dispute, and its Credit established for ages, on a firmer basis than ever. This prospect is too much for any good Jacobin to bear ! But what is to be done? After racking their invention, and exhausting their talents for Misrepresentation, they have found nothing in the Plan on which they can fix rational objection. They cannot deny the necessity of this measure, or of some other as effectual. They cannot dispute its efficacy or practicability; and they are far from offering any thing to be substituted in its place. The few cavils they have attempted to raise, have been silenced by the bare statement of the outline of the Plan in Parliament. -In this desperate situation, nothing is left but to try the stratagem (hopeless as it may seem) which we have before described. To this their efforts are now directed they cannot attack the substance of the measure; but they can give it a bad name. Accordingly, the Jacobin Press now echoes the opprobrious cpithets of “ Jacobin," “ French,” and “ Revolutionary.” The measure is to be spoken of only by the term “ Requisition;" and if they can fix this word upon it, they hope the bare mention of it will excite all the horror which (in spite of all their efforts to the contrary) deservedly attended it, in the way in which it was applied in France. But can they really Alatter themselves that the bare sound of the word will be sufficient for the purpose, without any examination of the