were called upon to support a war (such as in former times has often been wisely undertaken, and nobly supported by this Country) for the maintenance of the balance of Europe, for the support of a general plan of policy; the defence of some one commercial or territorial interest, or the preservation of an extensive system of alliance, calculated permanently to increase our strength and consideration; interesting as such a situation would be, to all those who have the leisure, the talents, and the information to take an extended and comprehensive view of the political interests of the state; it would not force itself on the attention, or come home (as Lord BACON expresses it) to the Business and Bosoms of every individual in the Nation. The true measure of exertion which ought to be applied to such a contest, would depend on combining many complicated and doubtful considerations, on estimating and appreciating remote and uncertain consequences; and in such an investigation, wise and able men, anxious for the public interest, might naturally differ in their opinion of the extent of present and certain sacrifices which ought to be submitted to, for the sake of future and conjectural advantages. At such a moment, the duty of a good subject, and of a prudent man, would perhaps be sufficiently discharged by acquiescing in the decision of those whom the constitution has invested with the power of deciding matters of state, and by chear fully bearing that proportion of burden which the law should impose on him.

But our situation is far different: our contest is not barely for power, or glory, or wealth, or commerce: much less is it to secure some speculative advantage; to avert some remote or contingent danger. It is for present SAFETY and EXISTENCE for the immediate indepen

dence

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dence of the Nation; the security of the life, liberty, and property, of every individual among us. In such a moment, can it be supposed that we should regulate our efforts for our own preservation, by the dry and cold consideration of what the Letter of the law requires from us? That we shall be content with giving what we are forced to give, and no more, when the question is, Whether we shall (while it is yet time) give enough to save the remainder, and ensure our freedom and safety; or at no distant period surrender the whole to the mercy of the enemy? Reasoning is hardly necessary to form our decision Instinct itself would be sufficient.

At such a moment, when every motive is combined that ought to actuate the highest and the lowest among us to join in one general exertion for the common safety, it is with pride and satisfaction we have seen the force of example added to every other incentive to duty. The SoVEREIGN himself, from the only Fund at his personal disposal from that which can alone contribute to his individual gratification and enjoyment, -which supplies the expence of his domestic occupations, in the moments of relaxation or amusement which furnishes the means of his extensive charities, and supports all those whose labour and industry are kept in motion by his works and improvements, The SoVEREIGN himself, from this fund, has contributed in a proportion more than three times that which the law has required from any of his subjects. Can it be believed, that those who have a great and extensive stake in the Country, who have either inherited an ample patrimony, or acquired wealth and opu lence by successful industry, will hesitate to adopt a similar conduct? Can it be supposed, that the great and

opulent

the

opulent corporations throughout the Country, wealthy merchants and manufacturers of every description, -that any class of individuals, in proportion to their means, can be wanting to their King, their Country, and themselves, at such a conjuncture?

We have too good an opinion of ENGLISHMEN, to think that when the Government of France, threatening us with invasion, has opened a loan to defray its expences, mortgaged on all the property of this Country, of which they anticipate the confiscation;-there can be a hesitation in chearfully and voluntarily sacrificing whatever part may be necessary, to secure the remainder; and in making those zealous and spirited exertions which shall vindicate our National Character, confirm our independence and safety, and turn to scorn and derision the boasts and menaces of our enemy.

WEEKLY EXAMINER.

LIES.

"CARNOT, the Ex-Director, is certainly in London. This may prove "the best illustration of the Royalist Conspiracy of September "last."-Morning Herald, Jan. 23.

We recommend the fabricators of this ingenious paragraph to the gratitude of BARRAS. A pot of beer extraordinary would not, we think, be ill bestowed by the Citizen Director on the occasion.

"One of the Witnesses for the Court, on a late Trial for Sedition, "was a man who said he would swear to truth or falsehood for "a few shillings."-Morning Chronicle, Jan. 18.

We

We cannot believe this: the Jacobins are not so frank in their confessions. They will lie terribly indeed, and cheaply enough, in all conscience.

Exiguâ.

Vendent perjuria summá

But then, they always swear they speak truth. For example nowhere is the Pere du Chene himself, who, after having been detected every week, for the last three months, in the most gross and palpable falsehoods, is so far from confessing them, that he assures us, on his honour, there is nothing he so much piques himself upon, as his veracity, and immediately proves it, by lying as before.

It is needless to add, that this ingenious Paragraph has made the tour of all the Jacobin Papers.

MISREPRESENTATIONS.

"Mr. WILBERFORCE is persuaded that Mr. Fox's Radical Reform " is an Atheistical attack upon Faith, which is the evidence of things unseen."-Morning Chronicle, Jan. 16.

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We know nothing of Mr. WILBERFORCE's persuasion on the subject; but apprehend that neither he, nor any man of common sense, can doubt what it is, when there exists so lively a representation of it, almost at our doors. It is atheism it is universal robbery — it is murder. Our Jacobins are daily giving specimens of their progress in the first, by burlesquing the most solemn passages of Scripture; and, if we must speak out, would not, we think, from their inexorable ranccur against every man of probity and worth, be indifferent propaga

tors

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tors of the last, when Mr. Fox's Radical Reform shall have put arms in their hands.

How to praise one's Friends.

"Every thing which French fury, revenge, and desperation,"(these are amiable qualities to give a People whom the Jacobins have described a thousand times, as merely fighting for the maintenance of Property, Liberty, Virtue, &c.)-" can suggest, will, "ave firmly believe, be put in execution in this Country."-(This Man is no Alarmist!)" The Directory will not regard the sa"crifice of a hundred thousand men, if they can but land fifty "thousand here."-(What then becomes of the Rights of Man, and that precious regard for the life of the meanest individual, which we have been told the Republic entertains!)—“ Have our "Countrymen sufficient spirit to oppose them?"-Morning Chronicle, January 22.

We will undertake to answer for "our Countrymen" Yes! Yes! Yes! But what! Is it the Morning Chronicle, which, after having daily insulted the people for years, with its dull malignity on those it was pleased to term Alarmists; is it, we say, the Morning Chronicle that now comes forward, and, after menacing Englishmen with the fury of a Nation they have as often defeated as encountered, has the impudence to ask them, if they have the spirit to defend themselves? — “ O shame! where is thy blush!"

MISTAKE.

"THE Supporters of Administration say, that nothing can be so "fatal to Great Britain as a deviation from that System which " has hitherto preserved her tranquillity—that is, which has ex"posed her to the Menaces of a Foe that has subdued all Europe." Morning Chronicle, January 9.

We believe the supporters of administration are right. The system we have persevered in, has, indeed, exposed

us