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kuman or divine will check the career of their wild and destructive projects; and that their ambition is not bounded by ordinary views of conquest or dominion--That the foreign system of France can no where be triumphant, , without carrying its domestic system, with all its train of calamities, as a companion-That the sacrifice of Power and Wealth, nay, even of Sovereignty and Independence, will not be accepted as the ransom of any Country which once owns the superiority, and once bows to the power of that Nation—That the whole fabric of its internal laws, its established religion, its political and civil institutions—the distinctions and privileges of every class of society-the relations of social life---the rights, the property, the personal security, and the domestic comforts of the highest and lowest individuais—that all these are to be swept away at once, and buried in one common ruin.

If this be true with respect to other countries, it applies more peculiarly and directly to Great Britain. Towards us the vindictive spirit of Jacobinism is carried to its highest pitch,

The present Rulers see in this Country, with a mixture of envy and resentment, the most striking contrast to their system, and the most eftectual obstacle to their projects. Against our Constitution, and form of Government, they have declared open and irreconcileable War. It is motive enough for them to hate it, that they see in it every thing which should teach us to love, to revere, and to defend it.

This hatred they have declared to be implacable. They have distinctly and openly told us, “ that they and the British Government cannot co-exist.

How long Providence may suffer their existence to be continued as a judgement on France, and on the world, it

is not for us to conjecture. It is enough for us to know that our own existence, under Providence, apparently depends upon ourselves.

With vigour and exertion we have every reason to ex, pect a successful termination to this great contest. Without it we must be involved in the same ruin which has been spread over so large a part of Europe. Our option is easily made. The resolution of every man who has the spirit and principles of an Englishman, must be the same with that already expressed by their Sovereign and the Legislature ~ To resist to the utmost, the unbounded ambition of the Enemy, and at all events, to stand or fall " with the Religion, Laws, and Liberties of our Coune " try."

(To be continued.)*



The Inhabitants of this Town are scarcely recovered from the alarm into which they were thrown by the Redacteur of the 16th Vendemiaire, announcing “ a Letter

* The force, and vigour, and ingenuity, and precision, and truth, of this NUMBER, have made many Readers of the ANTI-JACOBIN lament that the promised “ continuation ” never appeared. I am unable to tell the reason; but from several of the subsequent Answers to Correspondents, I'think I can gather that the increasing pressure of temporary matter, prevented the Author from completing what is here so well begun. Whatever may have been the cause, it will be long regretted ; as the friends to the rational freedom and happiness of mankind in general, and this Country in particular, have seldom, perhaps, lost a more enlightened or a more ardent instructor, than him whose solitary Essay above, gave them the hopes of possessing.


from Lord MALMESBURY, forgotten at Lisle. We were apprehensive, and not without reason, that some new Conspiracy of Priests and Old Women to destroy our immortal Republic, some secret plot of overpowering the Armed Force by a handful of half-starved Emigrants, devised by PichEGRU, and discovered by his excellent friend MOREAU, might have been detected by the sagaci, ous Emissaries of our Directory in some corner of the Inn lately occupied by the English Negotiator. We anticipated a new Proscription, a fresh list of Colonists for Cayenne; we expected to read a calamitous catalogue of the evils to which Liberty would have been exposed, if the English Lord had possessed a more retentive memory; when we discovered, to our infinite comfort, that this formidable Letter was nothing more than an official joke, achieved by the joint labours of TREILHARD, BonNIER, and Derche, during the long leisure they enjoyed in our Commune since the departure of the English Le. gation, and revised and amended by the Minister for Foreign Affairs, the Ex-Bishop of Autun.

This is a very consoling circumstance. If Jacobins become pleasant, if the four hundred and forty thousand Soldiers who obey the orders of the Directory, are to be the instruments of making us merry instead of making fresh Revolutions, we shall forgive our Rulers for having defranchised more than half the Republic, with the view of securing its liberty. But though we had much rather that our Negotiators should take measures to be innocently comical, than that they should be only insipid and mis, chievous, we find it very difficult to laugh, by word of command, at a moment when we are scarcely recovered from our terror of the past, and are still trembling from apprehension of the future. Flemings are accused of

being dull: perhaps we are so; but let our Directory give us Peace, and we will laugh as loud as the liveliest of them.

We were highly pleased with the arrival of TREILHARD and BONNIER: we stared at them with much perseverance; we endeavoured to discover in their appearance some traces of their intentions; we stared at Lord MALMESBURY too; we compared the two Legations, and were rejoiced at finding no signs of national antipathy, except that the English washed their faces, and wore clean shirts, which the Republicans refused to do. We thought that Bonnier did not look pacific ; but we were told he was a Poet and a man of Wit, though he did not look like a Poet or Man of Wit, and this consoled us. We heard with great regret, that Lord MALMESBURY was sent away; but we were told that this was the best and newest mode of negotiating, and that he was used to it and liked it. Alas ! this too was one of BONNIER's poetical fictions. We have never laughed since.

I have heard that it is not easy to analyse a piece of wit, and I am not so presumptuous as to hope that I can estimate correctly the joint drollery of the Ex-Poet and the Ex-Bishop. In some parts, their allied efforts appear to be happy.

The most laborious artificer of Bon Mots could not have extracted more wit from the pedantic language of our Antagonist's full powers. But as the formal DogLatin of the Old Diplomacy has so often given Peace to Europe ; as it conveys, by prescription at least, and to the ears of Politicians, a meaning which Grammarians and Etymologists might perhaps be puzzled to discover ; it may plead its former services as some excuse ; and if our Rivals were as witty as BONNIER and the Bishop, they

might possibly in their turn, make themselves merry at the expence of our Negotiators, who are forbidden to negotiate, who cannot stir a step without an Arêté of the Directory, and have no powers at all conveyed to them either in French or Latin. The contests between opposite sheets of white paper, and the war of blanks with which the Bishop diverts himself, and which he thinks so good a joke as to deserve a renewal in a Supplement, would be much more amusing to us, if we could forget that the only blank which was really left in the Project offered by England, was that of our Concessions ; that by means of this blank we should have obtained the unconditional Restitution of all our Colonies; that such a blank would have been far more valuable to us than all · the prizes we have gained in the Revolutionary Lottery, and that it would purchase, at any market in Europe, more reams of Assignats and Mandats than the Directory have yet ventured to issue.

To conclude-if we divest the Bishop of his scholastic jargon, and relieve him from his struggles after wit and pleasantry, we shall at last be able to collect from his facetious State-paper, only the same statement of facts which we obtain with less Jabour from the duller docu. ments of our adversaries. He tells us that they have twice made overtures for Peace; that their first proposals were founded on the principle of mutual compensation ; a principle which, after being admitted by us in theory, was found in practice to be unconstitutional and illegal, and was therefore rejected as affording proofs of English insincerity. That in their next proposals they offered to restore to us all those sources of commerce and industry which the annihilation of our Finances, and consequent loss of our Naval Power had thrown into their hands;

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