itself equally to the timid and the indignant, to all who look with apprehension at the future, or with just detestation at the past.

It summons them all to unite (while there is yet time) in those exertions which can alone furnish the chance of preservation to the few Countries which have hitherto resisted the progress of Jacobin Arms, and the infection of Jacobin Principles. Directed to this object, the impression made by this calamitous event, may in its consequences be salutary to the world. —With a just sense of our situation, with a true notion of the character, and views of our enemy, and under the guidance of Reason and Reflection, our fear may yet become, as much even as our resentment, the source of deliberate courage, and the instrument and means of our safety.

This consideration it is, which has determined us to attempt a recapitulation of the series of crimes and outrages which marks this eventful period of History.

We have only to trace the progress of French Principles from their first promulgation to the present time-to compare them with the grounds on which they originally rested, with the pretences by which they were recommended and with the effects which they have produced, first in France, and since in every country which has been brought within the reach of their influence.

If we have the patience to execute this task, we shall find that these Principles rested at first (even in the most plausible view which was given of them), in a new Theory of Government-false, visionary, and impracticable; -inconsistent with the nature of man, and with the frame of civil society; as much in contradiction with itself, as with all the established institutions, received no

tions, and practical habits of mankind-that in each successive period the operation of these Principles has been manifested not more in the subversion of the ancient systems against which they were directed, than in the continued violation of that very Theory which was said to be founded upon them; and has been throughout a practical disclaimer of every pretence, by which the mo dern doctrines courted, and perhaps obtained in their outset, a portion of popular admiration: and finally, that the same Principles have naturally led to that state of things in France, which we now deplore-to the most undisguised and unqualified tyranny at home, to the most extravagant and destructive views of ambition abroad, which ever conspired to render a great Nation the instrument of its own internal ruin, and the terror and scourge of surrounding Countries.

We shall see France bleeding at every pore from the wounds which she has inflicted on herself, and deprived of all hope, except from the precarious chance that the violence of the evil may at length work out its own remedy; yet retaining, even in the midst of her agonies, gigantic means of forcing other States into a participation of a misery, without any alleviation of her own sufferings. We shall be convinced that whatever other part of Europe is yet exempt from the visitation of similar calamities, can have no security against their progress, but from the most vigilant precaution, and determined resistance-That the foreign system of France, long acted upon, and now, more than ever, openly avowed by its present Rulers, will leave to no Nation a chance of tranquillity from their forbearance or moderation- That wherever they can act either by force, or terror, or intrigue, no obligation of existing or future treaties, no tie

human

human or divine will check the career of their wild and destructive projects; and that their ambition is not bounded by ordinary views of conquest or dominion-That the foreign system of France can no where be triumphant, without carrying its domestic system, with all its train of calamities, as a companion-That the sacrifice of Power and Wealth, nay, even of Sovereignty and Independence, will not be accepted as the ransom of any Country which once owns the superiority, and once bows to the power of that Nation-That the whole fabric of its internal laws, its established religion, its political and civil institutions-the distinctions and privileges of every class of society-the relations of social life-the rights, the property, the personal security, and the domestic comforts of the highest and lowest individuals-that all these are to be swept away at once, and buried in one common ruin.

If this be true with respect to other Countries, it applies more peculiarly and directly to Great Britain. Towards us the vindictive spirit of Jacobinism is carried to its highest pitch,

The present Rulers see in this Country, with a mixture of envy and resentment, the most striking contrast to their system, and the most effectual obstacle to their projects. Against our Constitution, and form of Government, they have declared open and irreconcileable War. It is motive enough for them to hate it, that they see in it every thing which should teach us to love, to revere, and to defend it.

This hatred they have declared to be implacable. They have distinctly and openly told us," that they and the British Government cannot co-exist."

How long Providence may suffer their existence to be continued as a judgement on France, and on the world, it

is not for us to conjecture. It is enough for us to know that our own existence, under Providence, appa rently depends upon ourselves.

With vigour and exertion we have every reason to expect a successful termination to this great contest. Without it we must be involved in the same ruin which has been spread over so large a part of Europe. Our option is easily made. The resolution of every man who has the spirit and principles of an Englishman, must be the same with that already expressed by their Sovereign and the Legislature To resist to the utmost, the unbounded ambition of the Enemy, and at all events, "to stand or fall "with the Religion, Laws, and Liberties of our Coun "try."

(To be continued.)*

TRANSLATION

OF A

LETTER FROM LISLE.

The Inhabitants of this Town are scarcely recovered from the alarm into which they were thrown by the Redacteur of the 16th Vendemiaire, announcing " a Letter

The force, and vigour, and ingenuity, and precision, and truth, of this NUMBER, have made many Readers of the ANTI-JACOBIN lament that the promised "continuation " never appeared. I am unable to tell the reason; but from several of the subsequent Answers to Correspondents, I think I can gather that the increasing pressure of temporary matter, prevented the Author from completing what is here so well begun. Whatever may have been the cause, it will be long regretted; as the friends to the rational freedom and happiness of mankind in general, and this Country in particular, have seldom, perhaps, lost a more enlightened or a more ardent instructor, than him whose solitary Essay above, gave them the hopes of possessing.

E.

from

1

from Lord MALMESBURY, forgotten at Lisle." We were apprehensive, and not without reason, that some new Conspiracy of Priests and Old Women to destroy our immortal Republic, some secret plot of overpowering the Armed Force by a handful of half-starved Emigrants, de vised by PICHEGRU, and discovered by his excellent friend MOREAU, might have been detected by the sagacious Emissaries of our Directory in some corner of the Inn lately occupied by the English Negotiator. We antici pated a new Proscription, a fresh list of Colonists for Cayenne; we expected to read a calamitous catalogue of the evils to which Liberty would have been exposed, if the English Lord had possessed a more retentive memory; when we discovered, to our infinite comfort, that this formidable Letter was nothing more than an official joke, achieved by the joint labours of TREILHARD, BONNIER, and DERCHE, during the long leisure they enjoyed in our Commune since the departure of the English Legation, and revised and amended by the Minister for Foreign Affairs, the Ex-Bishop of AUTUN.

This is a very consoling circumstance. If Jacobins become pleasant, if the four hundred and forty thousand Soldiers who obey the orders of the Directory, are to be the instruments of making us merry instead of making fresh Revolutions, we shall forgive our Rulers for having defranchised more than half the Republic, with the view of securing its liberty. But though we had much rather that our Negotiators should take measures to be innocently comical, than that they should be only insipid and mischievous, we find it very difficult to laugh, by word of command, at a moment when we are scarcely recovered from our terror of the past, and are still trembling from apprehension of the future. Flemings are accused of