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tions, and practical habits of mankind—that in each successive period the operation of these Principles has been manifested not more in the subversion of the ancient systems agair.st which they we;e directed, than in the continued violation of that very Theory which was said to be founded upon them; and nas been throughout a practical disclaimer of every pretence, by which the Itkk. dern doctrines courted, and perhaps obtained in their outset, a portion of popular admiration: and finally, that the same Principles have naturally led to that state of things in France, which we now deplore—to the most undisguised and unqualified tyranny at home, to the most extravagant a^d destructive views of ambition abroad, which ever conspired to render a great Nation the instrument of its own internal ruin, and the terror and scourge of surrounding Countries.
We shall see France bleeding at every pore from the wounds which she has inflicted on herself, and deprived of all hope^ except from the precarious chance that the violence of the evil may at length work out its own re^ medy; yet retailing, even in the midst of her agonies, gigantic means of forcing other Slates into a participation of a fnisery, without any alleviation of her own sufferings. We shall be convinced that whatever other part of Europe is yet exempt from the visitation of similar calamities, can have no Security against thsir progress, but from the most vigilant precaution, and determined resistance—That the foreign system of France, long acted upon, and now, more than ever, openly avowed by its present Rulers, will leave to no Nation a chance of tranquillity from their forbearance or moderation—That wherever they can act either by force, or terror, or infrigue, no obligation of existing or future treaties, no tie
human or divine will check the career of their wild and destructive projects; and that their ambition is not boundtd by ordinary views of conquest or dominion—That the foreign system of France can no where be triumphant, without carrying its domestic system, with all its train of calamities, as a companion—That the sacrifice of Power and Wealth, nay, even of Sovereignty and Independence, will not be accepted as the ransom of any Country which once owns the superiority, and once bows to the power of that Nation—That the whole fabric of its internal laws, its established religion, its political and civil institutions—the distinctions and privileges of every class of society—the relations of social life-r-the rights, the property, the personal security, and the domestic comforts of the highest and lowest individuals—that all these are to be swept away at once, and buried in one common ruin.
If this be true with respect to other Countries, it applies more peculiarly and directly to Great Britain. Towards us the vindictive spirit of Jacobinism is carried to its highest pitch,
The present Rulers see in this Country, with a mixture of envy and resentment, the most striking contrast to their system, and the most effectual obstacle to their projects. Against our Constitution, and form of Government, they have declared open and irreconcileable War. It is motive enough for them to hate it, that they see in it every thing which should teach us to lovet to revere^ and to defend it.
This hatred they have declared to be implacable. They have distinctly and openly told us, " that they and the Brit'nb Government cannot co-exist."
How long Providence may suffer their existence to be continued as a judgement on Francet and on the world, it is not for us to conjecture. It is enough tor us to know that our own existence, under Providence, apparently depends upon ourselves.
With vigour and exertion we have every reason to expect a successful termination to this great contest. Without it we must be involved in the same ruin which has been spread over so large a part of Europe. Our option is easily made. The resolution of every man who has the spirit and principles of an Englishman, must be the same with that already expressed by their Sovereign and the Legislature — To resist to the utmost, the unbounded ambition of the Enemy, and at all events, "to stand or fail M with the Religion, Laws, and Liberties of our Court*
(To be continued.)*
LETTER FROM LISLE.
The Inhabitants of this Town are scarcely recovered from the alarm into which they were thrown by the Redafieurof the i6th Vendcmiaire, announcing " a Letter
* The force, and vigour, and ingenuity, and precision, and truth, of this Ni'MBtR, have made many Readers of the Anti-jacobin lament Iliat the promised " continuation" never appeared. I am unable to tell the reason; but frorn several of the subsequent Answers to Correspondents, I think I can gather that the increasing pressure of temporary matter, prevented the Author from completing what is here so jvtll begun. Whatever may have l-ecn the cause, it will be long regretted; as the friends to the rational freedom and happiness of mankind in general, and this Country in particular, have seldom, perhaps, lost a more enlightened or a more ardent instructor, than him whose foliUry Essay above, gave, them th« hopes of possessing. £.
from Lord Mai.mesbury, forgotten at Lisle." We were apprehensive, and not without reason, that some new Conspiracy of Priests and Old Women to destroy out immortal Republic, some secret plot of overpowering the Armed Force by a handful of half-starved Emigrants, de»ised by PicHEGRU, and discovered by his excellent friend More Au, might have been detected by the sagacious Emissaries of our Directory in some corner of the Ini| lately occupied by the English Negotiator. We anticipated a new Proscription, a fresh list of Colonists foi Cayenne; we expected to read a calamitous catalogue of the evils to which Liberty would have been exposed, if the English Lord had possessed a more retentive memory; when we discovered, to our infinite comfort, that this formidable Letter was nothing more than "an official joke^ achieved by the joint labours of Treilhard, BonNier, and Derche, during the long leisure they enjoyed in our Commune since the departure of the English Legation, and revised and amended by the Minister for Foreign Affairs, the Ex-Bishop of Autun.
This is a very consoling circumstance. If Jacobins become pleasant, if the four hundred and forty thousand Soldiers who obey the orders of the Directory, are to be the instruments of making us merry instead of making fresh Revolutions, we shall forgive our Rulers for having defranchised more than half the Republic, with the view of securing its liberty. But though we had much rather that our Negotiators should take measures to be innocently comical, than that they should be only insipid and mischievous, we find it very difficult to laugh, by word of command, at a moment when we are scarcely recovered from our terror of the past, and are still trembling from apprehension of the future. Flemings are accused of being dull: perhaps we are so; but let our Directory give us Peace, and we will laugh as loud as the liveliest of them.
We were highly pleased with the arrival of TreilHard and Bonnier : we stared at them with much perseverance ; we endeavoured to discover in their appearance some traces of their intentions; we stared at Lord MalMesbury too; we compared the two Legations, and were rejoiced at finding no signs of national antipathy, except that the English washed their faces, and wore clean shirts, which the Republicans refused to do. We thought that Bonnier did not look pacific; but we were told he was a Poet and a man of Wit, though he did not look like a Poet or Man of Wit, and this consoled us— We heard with great regret, that Lord Malmesbury was sent away; but we were told that this was the best and newest mode of negotiating, and that he was used to it and liked it. Alas ! this too was one of Bonnier's poetical fictions. —We have never laughed since.
I have heard that it is not easy to analyse a piece of wit, and I am not so presumptuous as to hope that I can estimate correctly the joint drollery of the Ex-Poet and the Ex-Bishop. In some parts, their allied efforts appear to be happy.
The most laborious artificer of Ben Mots could not have extracted more wit from the pedantic language of our Antagonist's full powers. But as the formal DogLatin of the Old Diplomacy has so often given Peace to Europe ; as it conveys, by prescription at least, and to the ears of Politicians, a meaning which Grammarians and Etymologists might perhaps be puzzled to discover; it may plead its former services as some excuste; and if our Rivals were as witty as Bonnier and the Bishop, they