The measure proposed to carry into effect the determination so pointedly and so energetically expressed, has been now, for some time, under consideration. The expediency of raising a large part of the Supplies within the year, has hardly been denied by any of the various persons, whom different views have set at work to defeat the particular measure which has been brought forward. The only assertion we recollect to have been made in the shape of argument against its policy, is, that in lessening general Expenditure, it would affect materially the produce of other Taxes; that people must retrench; that the use of luxuries will be discontinued; and that upon the luxuries of the Rich the Poor thrive. Those who make use of such assertions, either forget, or choose to conceal, that the sum of Seven Millions, or whatever other sum may be raised by the measure proposed, will be spent, if not in the Luxury of individuals, on the Army, Navy, and other Government Services. The Expenditure of this sum will be diverted from its ordinary channels; but it will probably set at work as much productive industry in this, as in any other mode of circulation, and will not ultimately affect the general Trade of the Country.

But it is not by persons who object to any such measure, by persons either hostile to the general interests of the Country, or in regular and systematic opposition to the Members of its Government alone, that the Plan has been received with dislike. It has also met with objection from those who call themselves the Friends of Government. This, we are convinced, could not have happened, if they had constantly kept in view the consequence of not making a vigorous effort at the present crisis. We are

well aware, that no plan can be devised, which requires an unusually large sum to be paid by the Community in the shape of Taxes, without creating some degree of discontent. Those who cannot deny the propriety of the measure itself, tell us, they do not like the particular mode. Some other, they say, nay, any other, would be better. These are some of the many shapes and appearances which that objection assumes, the real character of which is only an unwillingness and dislike to part with money in any form or mode whatever. Thus we have seen, not only in the Resolutions of Public Meetings, but we have all of us heard, in conversation upon this subject, the most contradictory opinions expressed by the same persons. The principle, they say, is unconstitutional, inasmuch as it requires a scrutiny into Income, and all Property should be equally taxed: The plain answer to which is, that the present measure does not require a scrutiny into Income, and if all Property were to be equally taxed, it could not possibly be effected with any degree of principle, without a scrutiny into Income, and a general disclosure. This substitute, therefore, if it can so be called, would, if it were preferable to the present measure in one point of view, be so objectionable in another, as to render it wholly inadmissable.

Among the opponents to this measure upon plausible grounds, are also to be found those who say they believe a Voluntary Subscription would succeed to a great extent; and others who totally deny this, but think a Loan might be made upon non-transferable security, and upon a moderate interest.-To the first Class we say, a Clause is inserted in the Bill, enabling men to come forward in their own way: To the second we have also to observe,

that

that they will have an opportunity of shewing their zeal in the manner their fancy suggests, because part of the Supplies of the Year are to be raised by Loan.

If the Gentlemen who propose these Plans, should be a little too sanguine in their expectations if they should be mistaken in their hopes of the success of their favourite Schemes-in what situation would the country be placed? The Supplies must be raised at regular periods, as the Public Services require them, and Government must have something certain to rely upon. Loans or Subscriptions, therefore, in the manner proposed, may come in aid of the General Contribution, but cannot be substituted in lieu of it.

We have taken some pains to investigate this subject, and, convinced as we are, that no Plan will effect the general object which the real Friends of the Country have in view, more completely, and, at the same time, more unobjectionably, than the measure which has been proposed, we have some satisfaction in knowing, that every day the opposition to it subsides, and that as Misrepresentation is done away, people not only become reconciled to it, but warm advocates in its support.

The CHANCELLOR of the EXCHEQUER, when he first opened the measure to the House, urged, as one argument in its favour, that the adoption of such modifications, as inquiry might prove to be necessary, would have the effect of rendering the measure more conformable to his General Principle, which was, that of requiring a Contribution in such a manner (as far as that Principle could be attained) as should not bear unequally upon any class of persons whatever. With this view, various Modifications were adopted in the Committee on the Bill, in favour of Shopkeepers, Letters of Lodgings, School-mas

ters, Persons in the Medical Profession, Publicans, and Farmers farming Land under Seventy Pounds per An

num.

With respect to persons of this description, it was fairly stated, that the amount of their Assessed Taxes represented an exaggerated criterion of their expenditure, and they were therefore, conformably to the original intention, and consistent with the principle of the Bill, made objects of special relief.

In what we have thus stated upon this subject, we have assumed the point, that it is expedient to raise a large part of the Supplies within the Year; in doing so, we differ with very few, even of the warmest opponents of the particular measure in question. We do not suppose, that any person who has at heart the interests of the Nation, will recommend our having recourse to a Loan upon the usual Plan, and a Funding at little more than 401. per Cent. with the consequences of such a measure. Taking

large sum out of the pockets of individuals, in the shape of Taxes, does not, as we have observed, in any considerable degree check Trade, but diverts the employment of the Money so levied. But a considerable depreciation of the Funds from their present value, would not only shew us how near we were, upon the usual system of Borrowing, to the end of our Resources, but in rendering it more favourable to invest Money in the Stocks, than to employ it in commercial pursuits, would withdraw the capital from Trade, Manufacture, and Agriculture, and destroy the industry of the country.

The present is a serious call upon the people of this country the exertion required is great but the true way to estimate it, is to consider, whether it is greater than circumstances demand?-whether the object in view may be effected with less inconvenience than by the Plan

proposed?

proposed? and then to determine whether this-whether much greater sacrifices, if they should become necessary, would not be prudence, nay, economy itself, in comparison of the other alternative- the Radical Reform of Fox, or of BUONAPARTE?-whether it is better to pay what is now required, to preserve the British Constitution, or to submit to whatever contribution those who would destroy it will levy, as the price of that Government, which, in kindness to the British Nation, they will substitute in its room?

WEEKLY EXAMINER.

LIES.

"Mr. PITT went to St. Paul's so privately that nobody saw him." -Morning Post, December 20.

"Mr. PITT, who went in Lord CHATHAM's Coach, was much hissed.” Ditto, same day.

Our Jacobins improve upon us hourly. To exchange the Life of to-day for that of to-morrow, and call it correcting, has long been familiar to them; but to go through this process in the same page of the same Paper, and almost in the same column, is an improvement that must give their Readers a high opinion of their ingenuity; — and a still higher of their impudence.

"A Ministerial Paper of yesterday says, Proclaiming of Districts, "&c. is now risen to that height in Ireland, that it is found ne"cessary to economize, and save the expence of publishing them "in the Dublin Gazette, or any of the Castle Papers-they are "for the future to be posted up in hand-bills, in the Districts pro"claimed."-Morning Post, December 22.