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Fessa cadit, proprioque jacet labefacta veneno.
Mox tamen ipsius rursum violentia morbi
Erigit ardentem furiis, ultróque minantem
Spargere bella procul, vastæque incendia cladis,
Civilesque agitare faces, totumque per orbem
Sceptra super Regum et Populorum subdita colla
Ferre pedem, et sanctas Regnorum evertere sedes.

Aspicis ! Ipsa sui bacchatur sanguine Regis,
Barbaraque ostentans feralis signa triumphi,
Mole gigantæâ campis prorumpit apertis,
Successu scelerum, atque insanis viribus audax,

At quà Pestis atrox rapido se turbine vertit, Cernis ibi, priscâ morem compage solutâ, Procubuisse solo civilis fædera vitæ, Et quodcunque Fides, quodcunque habet alma verendi Religio, Pietasque, et Legum fræna sacrarum.

Nec spes Pacis adhùc-necdum exsaturata rapinis Effera Bellatrix, fusove expleta cruore. Crescit inextinctus Furor, atque exæstuat ingens Ambitio, immanisque irâ Vindicta renatâ Relliquias Soliorum et adhuc restantia Regna Flagitat excidio, prædæque incumbit opimæ.

Una etenim in mediis Gens intemerata ruinis, Libertate probâ et justo libramine rerum, Securum faustis degit sub legibus ævum ; Antiquosque colit mores, et jura Parentum Ordine firma suo, sanoque intacta vigore, Servat adhuc, hominumque fidem, curamque Deorum. Eheu! quanta odiis avidoque alimenta furori! Quanta profanatas inter spoliabitur aras Victima ! si quando versis Victoria fatis Annuerit scelus extremum, terrâque subactâ Impius Oceani sceptrum fædaverit Hostis !


THERE is a striking difference between the French Jacebin and the mischievous variety of that race which has lately made its appearance in this Country. The French Jacobin, amidst animosity, anarchy, and murder, at home — and while he carries desolation, poverty, and death, into other Nations — still keeps in view the age grandizement of France, and the depression of every other Kingdom. The nature and habits of the English Jacobin are totally opposite. He appears to have a rooted antipathy to his Native Land; but to the despotic Anarchy of France, his Love is ardent and sincere, and his ex. ertions in favour of that despotic Anarchy are boundless and unceasing !

Jacobinism ought surely to be tried by the same test as every other Political System, by its effects; and if we find reason to deprecate the crimes which it has occasioned, and to condemn the perpetrators of such crimes, what must we not think of those persons, who (after the experiment has been made) should be desirous of introducing into other countries, and above all into this, an order of things which is attended with such horrors ? Compare the cruelties of Jacobinism with those of any other System which has ever existed in the World. We have read of the Massacre of Inhabitants of Towns; we have read of the desolation of Provinces ; we have read of Political Proscriptions; but however the accounts of such crimes may have outraged our feelings, we should consider, that these cruelties were generally the consequence of one act; that the person or persons who oc.


casioned them, were urged on by some pressing necessity, and allowed themselves no time to pause in the performance of them. But the History of Jacobinism has proved to us, that a System of Massacre may be organized and deliberately persevered in for sixteen months; that during that time a certain proportion of Victims may be sacrificed weekly, without consideration of their condition, their age, their sex, or their party. “ Donnez nous du Sang," was the unceasing cry of the perpetrators of those horrors; and yet these are the persons we are recommend. ed to imitate.

We cannct help presenting our Readers with a striking Extract from an interesting Work published in May last, called “ 'The History of the Campaign of 1796, on the Continent.” – It is evidently a Translation - probably from the French ; and has every appearance of being composed from authentic materials.

Page 186.—“ But whatever the French Republic gain« ed in Money, and in Military Stores, in Germany, « she lost in her influence and ascendant over the minds « of the Inhabitants. A great number of those, and “ principally in the Imperial Towns, had been the dupes « of those professions of political and moral Faith, which “ the French had diffused through Europe. Seduced by « these philosophical abstractions, strangers could not be « brought to believe that their practical result was not “ equally admirable. They were still under this infa« tuation, when the French themselves were no longer « possessed with it. - The former were imposed on by a « brilliant theory! the latter had been undeceived by a « cruel experience. — The first viewed the Revolution

" though

" through a distant perspective, which occasioned its de« fects to vanish; the second had seen it close in all its u natural deformity. Like the fabulous Lance, which “ healed the wounds it had inflicted, the French were “ destined to cure those evils which themselves had “ caused. Their actions could not fail to destroy the “ effect of their writings; and it required only to know “ them, to be no longer tempted to an imitation of their “ System. The Inhabitants of the Netherlands and of “ Holland, already owed their conversion to the presence “ of the French. - It produced the same effects in Ger“ many. — Their Military Manifesto proclaimed War to the Castle, and Peace to the Cottage ; it was only .« in the first point that they kept their word. They had “ promised the greatest respect for property, and they « sported with its rights; they had announced that Hap“piness and Liberty would follow their footsteps, and 16 wherever they were directed they were marked by “ every excess of Military Despotism. This trial was “ not thrown away on the good sense of Germany; and " the National habits soon prevailed over French Meta" physics. The Philosophers and Literary Men of Ger“ many began to compare more closely the Principles “ with their Consequences ; and as to the People, they “ abandoned themselves at once to the sentiment naturally “ arising from their new situation : their resentment “ broke out and was exercised, as soon as they had op“ portunity and power. The vengeance to which the “ Inhabitants of Westphalia, Franconia, and Suabia, gave “ themselves up against the French, and the terrible re“ prisals of the latter, have made these to be more and “ more detested in the Countries they have conquered. " It may be reasonably believed, that were they again to

« attempt

« attempt to penetrate them, they would find an Enemy « in every Inhabitant.”


The Hamburgh Mails still remain due, so that we have no Advices from the Continent; except such as come through the medium of the French Papers.

The accounts in the French Papers, to the 11th inst. inclusive, which were received in Town yesterday, contain little else than a History of BUONAPARTE's arrival at Paris, which took place on the 6th. He immediately called upon BARRAS, as President of the Directory and his personal friend, and had a conference with him which lasted two hours. His Public Audience was appointed for the 10th. It was followed by a grand dinner of eighty covers, at which the Ministers, Etat Major, &c. attended. The ascendancy of this man appears to be complete ; and it seems to be the general tone, to recognize him as the Dictator of Europe. In one Paper we are told, that General BUONAPARTE having expressed a desire to see a Deputy from Switzerland at the Congress of Rastadt, a Deputy was immediately appointed. In another, we see a Catalogue of the magnificent Presents which the King of SARDINIA is preparing for him. In a third, we are entertained with a description of the Fêtes with which Madame BUONAPARTE has been regaled at Venice, and the present of Horses which the EMPEROR has sent to her from Vienna.

The Court of Sweden having had the presumption " to send a Minister to the Congress of Rastadt, as Gua

' rantee

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