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the present Assessment, which sum must be specified in any Act for the purpose,) should not be required to contribute to the full extent of a treble rate, but only in some smaller proportion. Even in some of the higher classes, it may be possible to make some gradation in the scale according to which each is to contribute. But these details are of inferior consequence: the essential point, in our opinion, and which we think may be effectually accomplished by this scheme, is this, to provide for the Supplies in such a made, as to prevent an inconvenient accumulation of Funded Debt, and by doing so, to disappoint and tonfiiaui all tbt vain and presumptuous hopes and insolent menaces •f our Enemy,

WEEKLY EXAMINER.

MISREPRESENTATION.

"The Chancellor of the Exchequer, in the Debate of Friday "last, complained that the use which the English Press made of "Liberty, was to transcribe French Scnlimtnli and inculcate French "Doctrines. He evidently alluded to the Translation of the Pro"ceilings of the Aitemblies, and perhaps particularly to the trans"lation of the Diatribe against England, which has been given "to the pen of M. de Talleyrand. One can hardly conceive •* a condition more deplorable fora Country, than where a Mini"Ster complaint of the Truth being fairly made public. To what "a state are we fallen, if the People of England are not to be "fairly made acquainted with the sentiments even of their Ene"mjes !/' — Morning Chronicle, Monday, Nov. 13, 1757.

Having in our Introduction to This Paper, explained tbt reasons which will necessarily prevent our accumulating distinct instances of Falsehood and Misrcpresentatioa in our earlier Numbers, we should yet have been

c 2 unwilling unwilling to send it forth into the world without some specimen of the manner in which this part of our task is intended to be executed; and we think ourselves singularly fortunate in having found, on the very first day of our first week, and in the most conspicuous column of what, by the courtesy of the Daily Press, is styled the Leading Paper of The Party, so fruitful an example of all that we think it our duty, and {hall make it our business, to correct.

The Paragraph before us, is indeed eminently characteristic of Jacobin feeling, without being very creditable to Jacobin talents. It would be difficult to assert more audaciously what is wholly untrue — to distort more perversely an evident meaning — or to insinuate more mischievously, opinions which, in the present spirit of the Country, it might not be prudent distinctly to avow.

We have marked in Italics the most striking expressions.—The Chancellor of the Exchequer is said to have " complained"—He did not complain of the Jacobin Writers for "transcribing French Sentiments" in the sense here insinuated (that of giving them as the Sentiments of Frenchmen) but he censured them, as they deserved, for uniformly perverting the Liberty of the English Press, in' order servilely to copy whatever was dictated by the Governors in France, and for adopting as their own, and inculcating into their Readers, the opinions, the wishes, and the feelings of the Enemy with regard to this Country. He exposed them by the striking instance of their having again and again echoed the gross and detected Falsehood first contained in the pretended Letter from Lisle, which had the effrontery to represent His Majesty's offer of Restitution to France and its i AlJies Allies as nothing more than a Blank, which was never filled up on his part in the course of the Negotiation.

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They might "translate," till they were tired, " the Proceedings of the Councils " — they might transcribe ar.d get by heart the Diatribe of M. de Talleyrand, provided they had been contented to give them to their English Readers without approbation or encomium; the former as specimens of French Wisdom, and the latter as the effusion of French Spleen. We should be as little disposed to object to the mere translation of a French Newspaper, as we are to follow the example of the Directory upon this point, and prohibit the introduction of them into this Country entirely.

But when, in the face of the complete, declared, and unanimous conviction of all who have a mind capable of reasoning or feeling — when at a moment while the impression of this conviction is yet warm, while the plain and intelligible documents on which it is founded are yet lying open before every man — there is found a Writer hardy enough to assert, that a complaint against the publication of Talleyrand's Letter, would have been a complaint of the truth being made public, one stands astonished at the effrontery of the assertion 5 and one should • imagine that Jacobin impudence had, in this instance, been carried to its height, if Jacobin morality had not been called in to carry it a step farther, by insinuating that an English Journalist, collecting his facts from a French Political Squib, written without the semblance, and (to do Talleyrand justice) with scarce even the affectation of seriousness and reality, and bringing them forward to his Countrymen as a ground for forming their opinion, can be described, not only as having stated the trutA, but as having stated it fairly.

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-" One can hardly conceive a condition more deplorable," for a Party Writer, than to see his Friends " fallen into a state" where such is the best argument that their Leading Paper can supply.

On the Origin and Progress of the French Revolution, and its Effects on France and other Countries.

NUMBER I.

The rapid and dreadful succession of extraordinaryevents, which have marked the several stages of the French Revolution, had long been, to every observing mind, the object of, painful and anxious attention. But the true nature and tendency of the Principles on which that Revolution was founded (as they operate both on France itself, and on other Countries) were never so fully developed and exemplified, as in the circumstances which attended and followed the violent convulsion of the 4th of September. That day was indeed the consummation of all the horrors and atrocities which we have witnessed during the last seven years. It has naturally overwhelmed France with fresh consternation and dismay, has excited alarm in the firmest minds, and awakened the most indifferent to indignation throughout every Country in Europe. On such a scene it would be disgusting to dwell, for the mere purpose of venting the feelings which it cannot fail to create. It deserves to be contemplated with a very different view.

It is to be considered as an instructive though dreadful lesson, as a solemn and awful warning, which addresses itself equally to the timid and the indignant, to all who look with apprehension at the future, or with just detestation at the past.

It summons them all to unite (while there is yet time) in those exertions which can alone furnish the chance of preservation to the few Countries which have hitherto resisted the progress qf Jactlin Arms, and the infection of Jacobin Principles. Directed to this object, the impression made by this calamitous event, may in its consequences be salutary to the world. —With a just sense of our situation, with -* true notion of the character, and views of our enemy, and under the guidance of Reason and Reflection, our fear may yet become, as much even as our resentment, the source of deliberate courage, and the instrument and means of our safety.

This consideration it is, which has determined us to attempt a recapitulation of the series of crimes and outrages which marks this eventful period of History.

We have only to trace the progress of French Principles from their first promulgation to the present time—to compare them with the grounds on which they originally rested, with the pretences by which they were recommended— and with the effects which they have produced, first in France, and since in every country which has been brought within the reach of their influence.

If we have the patience to execute this task, we shall find that these Principles rested at first (even in the most plausible view which was given of them), in anew Theory of Goyernment-r—false, visionary, and impracticable} —inconsistent with the nature of man, and with the frame of civil society; as much in contradiction with itself as with all the established institutions, received no

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