world, no less dreadful than those which it has effected in the political-the Jacobin Creed speaks no less flippantly, and confidently, and falsely.

According to them, there never has been in FRANCE, nor is now, any desire of Conquest-any intention of disturbing other Countries, of destroying their Governments, of violating their Independence, of invading their Rights. To herself, FRANCE was to secure Internal Tranquillity, Domestic Happiness, Order, good Government, and a purer System of Philanthrophy than had yet been known among the corrupted Institutions of Civil Society. To Foreign Nations she announced Universal Benevolence; Friendship, unconfined by natural or political relation; Peace, never to be violated but on the strictest principles of self-defence; Humanity, in the severest trials of War; Forbearance in the utmost excesses of Victory.

In their view, therefore, the French Revolution is described as the successful effort of a virtuous People, rightly directed to effect its own moral and political regeneration. The principles on which it was effected were, it seems, such as could not fail to ensure the happiness of FRANCE; and were likely to be equally beneficial to all other Nations to whom they might be extended. If these humane and liberal plans were ever disappointed, either in their means or in their end; if this universal remedy has seldom been found either palatable or salutary; if this system of Peace has produced more extensive Wars, and this principle of Benevolence more general calamities, than can be found in all former History; the Despots of the Earth have only to condemn their own obstinacy, in pertinaciously refusing blessings thus generously extended to them. FRANCE has no apology to make; ex

cept

cept, perhaps, for a degree of backwardness and hesitation in giving the necessary aid, and extention to the operation of a system, whose vital principle is equal Freedom, and whose natural fruits are universal Peace.

From these prolific opinions are derived abundant smaller Falsehoods, each of which is in its turn the parent of a brood of Lies.

In many instances, therefore, of assertions apparently insulated, and independent of each other, it is not a single unsupported denial or refutation that will remove all ill impression, and do complete justice to the case.

The pretended Treaty of Pilnitz, indeed, is a point capable of receiving a distinct explanation, and fhall have it *.

have

But to set right the more general and comprehensive Misrepresentations (such as we have noticed above) which when once assumed as established Truths may be stated and re-stated in a thousand different shapes, is more than the limits of one day's Paper will allow; and treating therefore of subjects of such a nature and extent, we found it necessary to enlarge our Plan beyond the limits of distinct Paragraphs; and the Reader will find in this Number, the First of a Series of Papers which is intended to comprehend the several points connected with this subject; to trace, shortly, the origin, the progress and the principles, of the French Revolution, its effects on FRANCE, and on all Europe.

In contemplating the magnitude and the duration of the Contest in which we are engaged, our attention is naturally called to the several considerations, of the suc

See the Letters of DETECTOR, No. 14, No. 20, and No. 34

I

cess

cess with which our Arms have hitherto been crowned, of the means which yet remain to us for vigourous exertion, and of the spirit and disposition of the Nation to maintain with constancy and courage a struggle, which, unless it be so maintained, can terminate no otherwise than in their destruction. Upon all these points, we have much to contradict, and much to establish and enforce.

In the eyes of those men who read and believe whatever is presented to them by those Writers with whom France and French Freedom are all in all, the War has been throughout, to Great Britain, a War of unexampled disaster and disgrace-the Resources of the Country are exhausted to a degree which no industry can supply, and no time repair; and, as to the Spirit of the People, bowed down and crushed by the weight of their calamities, and by the sense of their oppressions, they have no feeling left but the desire of relief from whatever quarter, and on whatever terms. To this relief they see no road, but through an immediate and unconditional submission to the Enemy.

Upon every one of these points the truth is directly the reverse-but we do not, like those with whom we have to contend, require our mere assertion to be received as conclufive.

The War, so far as Great Britain has been herself concerned in it, has been from the beginning, eminently glorious. That it has been so in a thousand particular instances, is universally felt. The general result has perhaps not been sufficiently considered. We shall present in our next Number, an Authentic Table of the Successes which have distinguished the Naval Campaigns of the last four years, beyond any period in the

History

History of this or any other Nation of the world. We shall accompany this document with a short summary of the Conduct of the War on the part of this Country, considered in a Naval, a Military, and a Financial point of view, and compared with former periods, and former

wars.

We believe the Resources of the Country to be not only unexhausted, but abundantly flourishing, and with every promise of permanent productiveness fully adequate to the great exertions which the exigency of our situation does undoubtedly require. This opinion, however, we do not expect to be taken on trust. The state of the Revenue, if the accounts which we have seen can be relied upon, will justify our assertion as to the present Prosperity of the Country.

It rests with the public spirit, the industry, and the good sense, of the Inhabitants of this wealthy, powerful, and happy Kingdom, to fulfil to an equal degree, our confident anticipations of the future; and by a wise and liberal application of the means which they possess, to the defence of the blessings which they enjoy, to secure the possession of those means, and the enjoyment of those blessings, to THEMSELVES and to their POSTERITY.

FINANCE.

It seems generally understood, that a large proportion of the Supply of the ensuing year is intended to be defrayed by TREBLING the Assessed Taxes. We hope this supposition is well founded. If we are rightly informed,

6

a treble

a treble rate would raise, in the course of the year, a sum not less than Seven Millions Sterling. This burden would be diffused among all the Householders of the Kingdom, according to as fair a criterion as any which we believe can be adopted: it would not, we are persuaded, amount to such a proportion of the annual expenditure of each individual, as to be thought a painful sacrifice, by any one who has a just notion of the value of the objects now at stake. By this measure, and by such a reduction of expence as the present scale of the War will probably admit of (without preventing the most vigorous and active exertions against the Enemy), the amount of the Loan may be reduced within moderate limits. No material present inconvenience can, in that case, be incurred from the addition to the Capital of our Funded Debt. Since the period of the last Loan, which took place in the Spring of the present year, a sum of nearly Three Millions Sterling will have been applied in the last three quarters to the extinction of the old Debt which then existed; and the sums applicable to the same purpose in the course of the year 1798, will be little fhort of the further sum of Four Millions. We hope, however, that notwithstanding the rapid progress by which we are advancing in the discharge of the old Debt, Parliament will not suffer the Capital created by the new Loan to be a permanent burden on the Country. It will be much wiser, in our opinion, to determine at once to prolong the Treble Assessment, or any other extraordinary Taxes which may now be imposed, for such a period after the Peace as may be sufficient to extinguish the whole additional Capital to be created by any fresh Loan.

In point of real economy, it is evident that such a measure would ultimately save to the Public more than

VOL. I.

two,