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P.S. With respect to the vast numbers of Street Beggars,' which abound in most of the large Towns and populous Cities of this Island, it would be well for society if the salutary Institutions at Bath, in York, and in some other places, were universaliy adopted. These Associations, under the direction of an active Committee, make it their business to search out virtuous and indigent merit, overwhelmed with undeserved calamity, and relieve them: and, with equal care and diligence, take up, and prosecute, all" idle and disorderly persons," all "Vagabonds and Rogues," who heretofore infested the Streets of those populous Cities.

ON

Mr. URBAN, Sept. 4. NE of your late Correspondents argues, or rather declaims, with great humanity, as the advocate of Common Beggars;" but his Letter does more credit to his heart than to his head and, as a matter of duty rather than of choice, I shall take upon me to correct what I conceive to be a false judgment, and mistaken benevolence.-Long experience as a diligent Magistrate in two adjoining Counties, and the official duties of an active Minister in a very extensive Parish not 1000 miles from the Metropolis, perhaps qualify me for this task; at least they are circumstances to soften any charge of presumption that may be alleged against me.

It is always wrong to excite in the minds of the Poor a suspicion of the motives or intentions of their more wealthy neighbours, and to tell them that their Rights are infringed, or themselves hardly dealt by, unless there are indeed good grounds for so severe a judgment. The argument of your Correspondent is directed against that wise Provision of the Legislature which would sweep away the nuisance of public mendicity-the shame and the disgrace of a loose and ill-regulated system of Police.

At this moment every principle of sound Policy and Christian Benevolence calls upon the prudent and the kind-hearted to resis the influence of a dangerous Philanthropy and not to listen to the voice of that false Philosophy, which, considering all human Laws as innovations upon the spirit of the Gospel or natural liberty, would preach up indifference or resistance as absolute duties; when, in

truth, it is or may be known to every impartial inquirer, that the Principles of British Law are identified with those which govern the merciful jurisprudence of God himself:-These, Sir, are Justice and Charity.

Your Correspondent, in the fulness of a kind and benevolent disposition, would have us to administer directly to the alleged wants of every com nion beggar that asks an alms, without a moment's hesitation or the slightest inquiry, prompt and liberal relief. On the contrary, I would not indiscriminately extend the charities of an equally kind nature, or give a morsel of bread, or a cup of water, without first ascertaining the merit of the Petitioner; and I consider this to be acting in the true spirit of Christian Charity.

It is to be observed, that every Beggar may be classed under one of two descriptions of persons. He is either in distress and an object of Charity,or he is an impostor and deserving of punishment. It is a scandal upon our benevolence, if the one is allowed to wander abroad, and to live upon the precarious alms of casual bounty; and it is a disgrace to the Legislature, if the other shall be permitted to practise upon the weakness of tender natures, or to subsist by dishonesty and plunder. Such are the Provisions made for the poorer Classes of the Community in this happy Country, by the established Laws of the Land, that unless shame, or some disease of the mind, shall intervene to obstruct the course of these laws, no man can die from absolute want; nor can ignorance of the means of benefiting by these merciful institutions be urged by any one, with even a plausible appearance of justice, because the Poor, although little learned in matters of higher moment, have, I might almost say, an intuitive knowledge of their own immediate Rights and Privileges: there is not, I believe, a Pauper in any direction, from the centre to the extreme boundary of the Kingdom, who does not know, that the Poor are provided for by the Laws; and that every one has a legal settlement in some Parish or other, in which he may demand relief in his necessity, with a certainty that his demand will not be resisted, and must be complied with.

At the present crisis, these observations

1814.] Provisionfor the Poor.--Letter from CojeePetruse Uskan. 229

vations deserve more than a common notice. The disembodying of many Militia regiments; the reduction of the Army in general; and the dismantling of a large portion of our Navy, will necessarily throw a mass of population upon the internal resources of the Country; for which at first she will find it difficult to make an adequate provision. Those persons are greatly deceived, who imagine that all or even the greater part of the hands so thrown out of employ will immediately find occupation or inaintenance in the improved or improving state of our manufactures. Great numbers of deserving poor, creatures will be reduced to absolute want; but an equal number, probably, will take advantage of this unavoidable calamity; and under the shadow of it will practise the most shameful impositions, and commit the most daring depredations.

As a means, therefore, of substantially relieving real distress, and punishing fraud and dishonesty, instead of indiscriminate and injudicious alinsgiving, I recommend a strict though liberal construction and execution of the Laws. Let Vagrants of every description (and all itinerant Beggars are very properly classed under this head, of offenders against "bonos mores," and the "decency of life,") be diligently watched, and promptly apprehended. The Magistracy is administered by men of talents and integrity; and these will, in all cases, provide for the wants of the distressed poor and honest man; and, by wholesome correction or restraint, prevent crimes or punish the offenders. Yours, &c.

W. A. A.

Translation of a Letter, dated Madras,
March 1, 1746-7, to HARRY GOUGH,
Esq. supposed to be from COJEE

PETRUSE USKAN.

SIR,

T writing I am ex

At this tile of bird, more than I can describe, as my misfortunes are in their nature excessive; yet, however, I am encouraged to write to you, from a sense the Letter will be acceptable, and in hopes that I may ever merit a continuance of your esteem, which is my ardent wish.

To give you, Sir, the news of this place, I am to acquaint you, that, on

the 6th August N.S. nine French ships appeared off Negapatam, and were encountered there by six men of war under the direction of Commodore Peyton. They fought two hours and a half, when the night separated them; the French sailing away for Pondi cherry, where they arrived the 9th August N. S. and had, as it is said, much supplies of money and merchandize; moreover, 4500 Europeans, beside 1000 Coffrees brought from their islands of Mauritius and Donmascareen. At this time we were told Commodore Peytou, with his squadron, had got to Triacamala, on the Island of Ceylon, repairing or refitting his ships, and afterwards had met with the French ships near Negapatam; but the English soon retired for that time, as they also did afterwards, although the French endeavoured to engage them, and stopt for two days at anchor in Negapatam Road, and then returned to Pondicherry: the commander in chief of them being Monsieur La Bordounais, who left the Islands with twelve ships; and in proceeding to Madagascar, two of the ships foundered in a violent storm, saving however the goods and men: by this they were reduced to ten ships, one of which was dispatched to Bengal with news, and the remaining nine came on the Coast of Coromandel, as above recited. They were not all King's ships, but the French Company's, fitted out in a warlike manner.

We lost, Sir, a great man in Commodore Barnett at Fort St. David two months before, and at which we were truly grieved, because, had he been alive, I imagine our sad fate had been avoided. The French had for two years been preparing about 12,000 vestiments for soldiers, about 4 or 500

ladders, above 1000 irons, with all other implements of war, and provision of flesh and bread in great abundance, giving out at the same time they were in expectation of ships and They moreover

setilement of Mabe en got from their Coast, 7 or 800 Sepoys, Moors (or Indian soldiers), who are esteemed stout men, and were well paid, keep ing them a year before they entered on action. On the ships' arrival, all things were in readiness, and from day to day we were informed of their designs against Madras, though things were differently related; the Governor

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of which place and Council laid their chief dependence on the English ships of war; the Moor's Government constantly affirming there could be no danger by land, and therefore pressed to have a particular attention towards the sea; though, indeed, the risk by sea-ward was little, our chief weakness being toward the land. We had been for about a year raising works toward the land, but there was not time to effect them: such an undertaking should have been commenced five or six years before, and then we might have escaped becoming Prisoners to the French. Our Go vernor Mr. Morse is not to be blamed, as he had neither soldiers, officers of resolution to command, or capable gunners; it is truc, there was enough artillery, and the necessary munition for them; but without men what could be done? Mortars and bombs there were also, but not a person to use them. The force consisted of 250 European soldiers, 50 men in the gun-room, and 100 men belonging to the ship Princess Mary, with between 50 and 60 inhabitants. But how could such a number defend the White and Black Town? Our confidence was, however, ill-placed on the men of war and on the Nabob of Arcott. Yet, had Commodore Barnett been preserved, he would, I think, by his conduct, have preserved Madras. It is plan we were to be chastised for our sins.

Sir, On the 26th August, N. S. eight French ships came from Pondicherry to Madras Road, from whence they cannonaded the town, and were well answered from the bastions; insomuch that they could not carry off the ship Princess Mary, lying at anchor as near as possible to the shore; the Captain of which ship behaving with great vigour, and did on his part all that was possible. On this the French ships got out of gun-shot, and continued thereabouts two days: about 12 shot fell in the town without doing any hurt. They then returned to Pondicherry, and the women who had left the town on the approach of the Freuch ships and gone to Pullicati (where the Dutch would not receive them) came also back, and I myself went to Governor Morse, representing how wrong it was to suffer the women to remain in the place, and proposed carrying them with me

to a place of security called Pundamaly, where they would be kindly treated. But the Governor slighted my offer, and told me the French would not return more; though Mr. Hind advised they were preparing afresh, and I urged that application should be instantly made to Paliagara for 4 or 5000 men to guard the shore as far as Coulaô, as the French would use rafts in order to land. But the Governor said, he had received positive assurance from the Nabob that the French would make no sort of attempt by land, and therefore care only was required to the sea-ward, Yet, at this time, the Nabob was underhand treating with the French, and received from them large sums in money, and bad great promises of more. Our Governor sent his presents also; but the smallness of them could in no wise move the Nabob; and I, from my knowledge of him, excited the Governor by no means to trust him, as himself and the Moors in general are known to be so avaricious, that money can never fail to bias them: and therefore I again pressed for application to be made to the Paliagara for sending 4 or 5000 men to guard the shore; but without effect. Our Governor confided in his Dubari Raxenpapa, who promised to bring forces; as did the Paliagara of this place. They, however, turned deceitful, and did no one good service: and I cannot too much complain of the Black people in the pay of the Company, who were, instead of a benefit, a great evil to this place.

Sir, On the 16th September, arrived ten ships off Cavalaô, commanded by Mr.De la Bordannay, with 3500 Europeans, 1500 Coffrees, Sepoys, and Pareas, with fire-arms, a proper quantity of all sorts of warlike implements of war, and, by suitable embarkations; lauded 1000 men at that place: the shipping then proceeded to St. Tomay, and disembarked 1500 men, with the necessary artillery; the Officer of which place attempted to impede them, but was shewn an order from the Nabob permitting them to march by land, and attack Madras as a place belonging to the enemies of France: on which the Moor retired, and left the forces to march freely by the seaside; and Mr. La Bordounai, then at the head of his people, got to a place called Tiurlieany, and thence to the

English

English Garden, giving proper direc tions to surround the town of Madras. On which the EnglishGovernor Morse, Considering the smallness of his force, and the impossibility of defending the Black Town, quitted the same, and retired with the people to the White Town, after nailing up the cannon and dismounting it: when the inhabitants, on perceiving this, quitted the place with what they could carry off, and left it in a deserted condition, and it was plundered by the Pareas and Paliagaras. The French bombarded for four days, and were answered from the city, which destroyed above 300 of their people, and none were hurt in Madras. They had with us those who gave them intelligence, while we could not obtain any from them; in three days and nights above 900 bombs were thrown, chiefly towards the White Town (the Enemy knowing the people had quitted the Black Town) but not above half of the bombs fell into the place. Our people were, however, terrified; and it was our misfortune to want an able Gunner, the one we had, Mr. Smith, dying of a fever influenced by fear, and who had assured the Governor he had every thing in readiness, while in fact there was nothing so: nay, the English women, who had retired into the Portuguese Church as the best place for security, from its arch, were obliged to employ themselves in making between 7 and 8000 cartridges. In this condition lay Madras, without any proper care or attention: it is true there were things enough, but no one to get them in order and readiness, and for want thereof the place was lost, together with the inability of the Military, who were left without courage or experience, most or all never having seen a bomb thrown in warfare before. Merchants in deed we had enough, who knew how to keep their books of accompts, and nothing knew they of war. The bombs did no great damage; some houses terraced they did not break through; others they did, and buried in the ground; four persons only were killed, and of these two by the shells. Yet the besieged were dismayed; and what contributed to it, was the cries of the women and children: it was a sad mistake to let such remain in the place; they ought to have been sent away in time. Ob, sad disaster! Ma

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dras was taken, with an excessive quantity of munition of war, even more, I apprehend, than the Enemy had with them.

Mr.

On the 20th September, N. S. I was told that Mr. Monson and Mr. Alibot were sent out to the French, in order to capitulate; and on my getting into the WhiteTown from the Black Town, those gentlemen returned back; and I heard the French would not enter into any terms, but would take the place by force of arms, and kill all they might meet with. The capnon from Madras then fired again, and the French returned their bombs. Bordonnay was wrote to for permission that Mr. Morse might have leave to quit the Town; but he refused it, and afterwards notified that he insisted on entering the place, hoisting his colours, and that then the Ladies in general should become the prisoners of Madam De la Bordonnay. On the 22d September, Mr. Monson and Allibot went to the French, and the gates being all opened, they entered the City at noon, with colours flying, and among them were 60 or 70 dragoons. Mr. Morse met Mr. La Bordonnay, and proceeded together hand in hand to the Church, wherethe Ladies that had retired thither were set at liberty, in the name of Madam De La Bordonnay. The French assumed the entire Government, and garrisoned both Towns with their own men, while we were so unhappy as to become prisoners to them; and, indeed, to me the evil was so great, that I cannot express it ; it seemed as if the world was come to its end. All the Servants, as well Governor's,Counsellors', and ours, fled from us; none were left for to do any office whatsoever. The following day, 4 or 5 Armenians of us went to Mr. La Bordonnay (all others of our Religion being filed): he received us at first with a seeming warmth, complaining of our taking arms against him. But we replied, we were lnhabitants of Madras in order to traffick; and that, in all places wheresoever we remained, it was a custom never to consider us otherwise than strangers, and exempt from becoming Prisoners of War. He then said, it was well; we might go to our dwellings, and remain freely and securely. We accordingly retired thither, and in four or five days after we went again, and were received civilly. About the

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same time being elapsed, he sent for us, and directed us to go to our own Governor Mr. Morse, who had desired him to send us. Accordingly we went, and told Mr. Morse we came to wait on him by Mr. La Bordounay's order. He said, it was well, we might remain there; and so we did till evening, when, making a motion to depart, he bid us stay that night, and appointed the servants' apartment for us. In the morning we again asked to depart, and were told we must still stay, having something to say to us; in fine we were detained three days and three nights; namely, myself, Cojee Sultan David, Cojee Joannes de Cojamar, Miguele de Gregorio, and Tatus de Agapiry. Mr. La Bordonnay then sent for us, at midnight, and assured us he had not confined us of his own accord, but at the desire of Mr. Morse, in order to prevent our getting away. Then he shewed us the names of seven of us written on a paper (of which two persons had gone off) as it had been given bim by Mr. Morse; and told us we were free to depart with our goods in any manner we should choose, and a passport was tendered us for that purpose. On this I represented our having not only merchandize of va rious kinds, but also houses of value in Madras; and how could we leave them? He replied, it was well; we might continue there freely and safely; and it being past midnight, and not choosing to remain at the house, he was so courteous to give us an Officer to attend us, opened the gates, and conducted us home to our several places, expressing how surprized he was that a place of that strength should be subdued in so small a time, when there was no loss of meu sustained, or damage done; indeed he concluded it would have been more than a month's work: but that it happened as it did, was his good fortune. After this, we usually went to visit Mr. La Bordonnay every two or three days, and were received with great respect; and, on my taking occasion to tell him it was difficult for me to ascend the stairs from a jameness, he desired I would forbear attending him, except at such times as he might think proper to send for · me :-he had long known ine, at Goa, Pondicherry, and other parts. The making me prisoner at 66 years of

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age was quite new to me; I had never experienced it before; and it is what I could never have expected from Mr. Morse, who kept me three days and nights without my knowing for why; and, on my asking him the motive, he gave me no answer. two or three days after our freedom, I heard that a guard had carried Miguele de Gregorio a prisoner to the Fort, treating him with rigour. The morning after, I went to Mr. La Bordonnay, and inquired why he was so treated? he told me he had not done it but for the request of Mr. Morse, who apprehended he was contriving to get away. I assured him there was no foundation for it:-he then asked me to be his security, which I accepted to be; and on this. he was set at liberty. A small time after, I heard from the Company's servants, that Mr. Morse had capitulated with the French to deliver up all the effects in the Company's warehouses to them, together with half the munitions of war, and ten lacks of pagodas for the White Town, and another lack of pagodas for the Black Town. Mr. Morse sent for me, and told me as much, and, that in seven or eight days the place would be restored to the English, and the French would depart: and, on my asking how this was to be complied with, he said, balf of the sum was to be discharged by Bills of Exchange on the English Company in Europe, and the remainder was to be delivered in two or three years at Pondicherry. And, as sècurity for the performance, two English Counsellors with their families, two Factors and a Writer, two of the Children of the said Governor Morse, and two Armenians, were to remain with the French. I asked, why any Armenians should be included; surely they ought to be exempted, as being Merchants, and who paid duties to the Company. He said, Mr. Straton and family, Mr. Harris with his, Mr. Starke, and Mr. Beiche, Company's servants, with the Governor's two children, and two Armenians, were appointed to remain at Pondicherry until the sum agreed for should be satisfied. He then told me, I must be one to go, and remain three months, another to relieve me would be sent, and so the term of time would be brought about. I answered, I could net go, as being infirm and €6 years

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