Mr. LUMKIN remarked in the Senate, (January 1838,) "If abolitionists went to Georgia, they would be caught :" and Mr. PRESTON declared in the same debate "Let an abolitionist come within the borders of South Carolina, if we can catch him, we will try him, and notwithstanding all the interference of all the governments on earth, including the Federal Government, we will HANG him."

It seems probable from these declarations that abolitionists, in their southern travels, will meet with "barbarians" quite as "ignorant and infatuated" as themselves; and also, that should members of Congress, by their votes, imprudently identify themselves with abolitionists, and afterwards enter the slave region, they could not complain of not having been explicitly warned that the gibbet was to be their fate.

Such are the sources of the slaveholding influence in Congress. The following pages will exhibit many of the results of this influence, and the first to which the reader's attention is called, is

THE OBSEQUIOUSNESS OF THE PRESIDENTIAL CANDIDATES.

As slaveholders are ready to hang abolitionists when they can "catch" them, it is not to be sup

posed that they will elect any of the proscribed sect, President of the United States. Of course, it becomes important for such gentlemen as aspire to that honour, that their ideas on the subject of human rights, should be adapted to the meridian of the slave region.

Previous to the last presidential canvass, Mr. VAN BUREN being a candidate, thought it prudent to write a letter for publication, containing the following passage:-"I prefer that not only you, but all the people of the United States, shall now understand, that if the desire of that portion of them which is favourable to my election to the chief magistracy should be gratified, I must go into the presidential chair the inflexible and uncompromising opponent of any attempt on the part of Congress to abolish slavery in the District of Columbia, against the wishes of the slaveholding States."

Mr. WHITE was a rival candidate, and deemed it expedient to give his pledge also, which he did in these terms:-"I do not believe Congress has the power to abolish slavery in the District of Columbia; and if that body did possess the power, I think the exercise of it would be the very worst policy. Holding these opinions, I would act on them in any situation in which I could be placed, and for both reasons would, if called on to act, withhold my assent to any bill having in view such an object."

GENERAL HARRISON, a third candidate, also as we have understood, wrote his letter, but not having it before us cannot quote it. We presume, however, it was thought sufficient, since an address in his behalf from his political friends in Virginia, assured the public that "he is sound to the core on the subject of slavery."

Mr. WEBSTER, the fourth and last candidate, had many years before fully committed himself as to the power of Congress over slavery in the District. He gave no pledge, and received no vote from any slave State.

Having thus seen the extent of the slaveholding power in Congress, and in some degree, its influence over political partizans, we are prepared to investigate its direct action in protecting and perpetuating the institution of slavery in the United States. The friends of that institution have always looked with distrust and alarm upon the free coloured people, and have deemed it good policy to treat them with ignominy, and to prevent their acquisition of power and influence: Hence the

EFFORTS OF THE FEDERAL GOVERNMENT TO OPPRESS and degrade THE FREE PEOPLE OF COLOur.

The Constitution of the United States acknow

ledges no right or disqualification founded on complexion; but those who have administered it, have made the tincture of the skin, of far greater importance than the qualities of either the head or the heart. So early as 1790, Congress passed an act prescribing the mode in which "any alien being a WHITE person," might be naturalized and admitted to the rights of an American citizen,

Two years after, an act was passed for organizing the militia, which was to consist of "each and every free, able-bodied WHITE male citizen," &c. No other government on earth prohibits any portion of its citizens from participating in the national defence; and this strange and degrading prohibition, utterly repugnant to the principles both of the Declaration of Independence and of the Constitution, marks the solicitude of the Federal Government to pursue the policy most agreeable to the slaveholders. But not content with this insult to coloured citizens, another, and perhaps a still more wanton and malignant one, was offered by the Government in the act of 1810, organizing the Post Office Department. The 4th Section enacts that "no other than a free wHITE person shall be employed in carrying the mail of the United States, either as a post-rider or driver of a carriage carrying the mail," under a penalty of fifty dollars.

Any vagabond from Europe, any fugitive from our own prisons, may take charge of the United States mail; but a native born American citizen, of unimpeachable morals, and with property acquired by honest industry, may not, if his skin be dark, guide the horses which draw the carriage in which a bag of newspapers is deposited!

Such are the insults heaped by the Federal Government on the coloured citizens throughout the States: let us see what conduct it pursues towards them on its own territory, over which it possesses "exclusive jurisdiction."

In 1820, Congress passed a law authorizing the WHITE citizens of the City of Washington to elect WHITE city officers; thus making a white skin an indispensable qualification for both suffrage and office. The white officers thus elected by the white citizens, were specially empowered by the national legislature "to prescribe the terms and conditions on which free negroes and mulattoes may reside in the city." In pursuance of this grant of power, the white officers passed an ordinance (May 31, 1827,) requiring all the free coloured persons then in Washington and wishing to remain, to be registered; and enacting, that if any free man with a coloured skin should presume to play at cards, or even to be present while an