government of India naturally held, was avowedly the fear of exciting any suspicion of our intentions in the minds of other Asiatic nations, who, judging from the history of our conquest of Hindustan, might be apt to think we purposed in their turn to reduce them also to our sway. The precaution was useless: our travellers have incurred more personal hazard from the imputation of being spies sent to explore the way for the march of a British force, than from any difference of creed or complexion. Our policy in this respect has entirely failed; and it has exposed us to the charge of a selfish indifference to the prosperity of Asia, or to a mistrust in the real extent of our resources, and a disbelief in the stability of our power. In the meantime, the activity of Russia has afforded a disadvantageous contrast to our inertness, and would no doubt have won or compelled the Asiatic states generally to submit to her dictates, had we not unexpectedly started from our slumbers, and boldly vindicated our pretensions to the foremost place amongst the governments of the East. There is no reason to apprehend that the claim will be denied. Indistinctly as the cabinets of Asia may see their own interests, they cannot long be blind to the danger that awaits them from the advancing surge of Russian ambition, and will gladly welcome the only rampart that can pretend to stem the tide.
It is clear, then, if the facts are truly stated, that in the transactions which have lately taken place, or which are now in progress in the East, the real objects have not been the rescue of Herat from Persia, or the substitution of the rightful king of Kabul for a usurper, not the self-sufficiency of strength, nor the ambition of conquest, that has disturbed the peaceful tenor of our Indian administration, and animated it with warlike aspirations,—but dangers, not the less formidable because disguised, to the very existence of our Indian empire. They have been promptly encountered, and, for the time, arrested; but the spirit is not extinct; and as long as we have reason to know that it continues active, although concealed, we must be prepared against its efforts, whether secret or avowed. This state of preparation carries us beyond the sphere to which we have hitherto confined ourselves, and calls for new cares, and imposes additional burthens. The cares,
however, are no more than those incumbent upon our station; they are duties we owe to ourselves and to the secondary states of Asia; and the burthens may well be borne, as lighter in the end than those which the contiguity of Russian authority and influence would infallibly entail.
There is but one other topic to which it may be advisable briefly to advert before closing our present remarks. We have considered it thus far as an Indian question only, but it is an eminently British question also. Is India of such value to Great Britain that its protection from contingent peril should be a national obligation?-should we be justified in hazarding the consequences even of war in Europe for the defence of our Eastern possessions? We cannot imagine any hesitation in the reply. India is of infinite value to Great Britain, considered with reference alone to our commercial and financial prosperity-to the field she offers for the profitable exercise of our national industry-the varied supply she affords of products essential to our manufactures-the consumption of those manufactures by her numerous population-and the immense afflux of capital which she pours annually by different channels into the general wealth of the country. These are considerations sufficiently important to vindicate our putting forth our energies in her defence; but there are others of a still higher description, and we cannot suffer India even to be menaced without compromising our national reputation. National pride, it may be said, and truly, is a very insufficient plea for the certain evils of war; but there is something more in the honour of a nation; and no better safeguard can be found for its independence, no better surety for its unmolested peace, than its known determination at all hazards to maintain its character, and to assert its rights, whensoever and by whomsoever threatened.
EIGHTH VOLUME OF THE BRITISH AND FOREIGN REVIEW;
EUROPEAN QUARTERLY JOURNAL.
AFRICA, church of, resists the encroach- ments of the bishop of Rome, page 9. Arab mercenaries, their conduct, 182. Architectural designs, report of the com- mittee upon, 591.
Arts, false influence attributed to the pa- tronage of the, 592; good results of at- tention to the, 594; importance of a high standard of taste, 595; public opinion respecting, 595; importance of the union of artistic knowledge with the judgement of unprofessional men, 596; importance of established princi- ples, 599; minor causes of failure in the, and their remedies, 600; com- petition in designs, 601; necessity for the establishment of principles of taste not founded on caprice or fashion, 603; indifference to, in England, 604. Austria, commercial treaty with England, 95; mistrust of, directed against the western powers, 99; her political posi- tion, 100; extent of her navigation, 100; her actual commerce, 107; treaty of Passarowitz, 119; her sole interest in common with Russia, 199; alliance of the Danube, 130; defensive alliances, 130; her commerce with Malta, 329; encroachment of Russia causes alarm to, 411; her treaty with Greece, 411; her political interests identical with those of Europe, 413.
BADEN (Grand Duchy), law of copyright in, 354. VOL. VIII.
Bhosla family, rise of their power, 162. Bishops, their nomination reserved by the princes to themselves, 13; fatal to the purity of the church, 13; laws tem- poral and ecclesiastical enacted in the same assembly, 13.
British India, its internal condition, 242. British power, its rise, 230. Black Sea, commerce of, 112. Brougham (Lord), his speeches, 490; his active conduct in political concerns, 491; his motives for joining the liberal party, 493; 'The Man of his Age,' 496; belongs to no party, 498; his ideas of the duties of an advocate, 500; his de- fence of Queen Caroline, 509; his speech on Demont's conduct, 510; pas- sages taken to be 'professional' respect- ing Bergami, 513; his pretensions to be the historian of the Queen's case, 517; his speech on the Holy Alliance, 519; his own friends and history, 521; his speech at Inverness, 524; obliges Lord Grey to retreat, 528; his speech at Inverness, and Lord Durham's reply, 530; heads the opponents of his old friends, 532; conduct in his judicial capacity, 534; his opinions on the duties of a chancellor, 536.
CANADA, Winter Studies and Summer Rambles in, 134.
Canadas, the first British settlers, 286; British inhabitants at the present day, 287; first cause of vitality to their provinces, 287; creation of the 'North- west company,' 288; the 'Voyageurs, 2 U
290; commercial interest in the timber trade, 291; rates of duty paid on wood, 291; geographical position of the two provinces, 295; treaty of Paris (1763), 295; petition from the French Cana- dians, 296; they become subjects of the king by right of conquest, 298; exertions to maintain the English laws, 300; the Quebec act, 301; English cri- minal law introduced into, 302; repre- sentative assembly conferred, 302; ex- pected results of dividing the province of Quebec, 303; impracticability of giving to our colonies a constitution similar to that of the parent state, 303; question of establishing an aristocratic legislative assembly in, 308; a landed aristocracy impracticable, 312; analogy between the House of Commons and House of Assembly, 316; one class of people only in our American colonies, 316; necessity of amalgamating the two races, 319; the provision for a protestant clergy, 321; act passed on this occa- sion, 321; responsibility incurred by English policy towards, 322; epitome of their misgovernment, 323; effect on the public mind in, 324; cause of the rebellion in Lower Canada, 325; union of the two provinces desirable, and also the representation of the two races in the same elective chambers, 326; the legis- lative council elective, 327. Charlemagne, no systematic domination
before his reign, 15; empire of, 20; partition of his empire, 21. Christianity, its advance after the fall of the Roman empire, 11; intrinsic force of, 11; its pure form soon corrupted, 12; benefits conferred on, by St. Augus- tine, 12; extrinsic appendages to, re- ceived by converts in Germany and France, 12; dignity of the sacerdotal character in Germany, 12. Chundoo Lall, his power and influence, 171; revenues squandered by, 176; remonstrances of the Resident, 186. Coleridge (Samuel Taylor), hisTable
Talk and Literary Remains,' 414; of his philosophy as a science and sy- stem, 414; his discursiveness, 419; quits Cambridge suddenly, 421; mention of him by Mr. Cottle in his Early Re- collections,' 421; described by Gilman and Cottle, 422; his view of different systems of philosophy, 425; his meta- physics, 426; extract from his Biogra- phia, 427; his acquaintance with Mr. Hazlitt, 429; sails for Hamburgh, 430; extract from his ' Literary Life,' 431; reason for his little intercourse with
Germans, 432; first work on his re- turn to England, 432; engaged by the editor of the Morning Post, 433; one result of his visit to Germany, 435; his addiction to opium, 436; his feelings described by himself, 438; his visit to Malta, 439; the Friend' planned at Grassmere, 440; reflections on his own exertions, 441; his character of Mr. Pitt, 442; his lectures at various insti- tutions, 443; resides in Mr. Gilman's family, 445.
Copyright bill, Serjeant Talfourd's speeches on, 334; the public in favour of, 335; literature a trade, 336; high claims of genius, 337; M. de Salvandy's bill, and speech, 341; what the right of copyright is, 343; Serjeant Talfourd's new bill, 344; interests, private and public, in works of lasting merit, 344; two arguments on the copyright ques- tion, 345; extent of circulation regu- lates the price of books, 349; proposed term of copyright, 350; preamble from an ordinance of Louis XVI., 351; copy- right to be considered a privilege, 358. Cork, considered as a commercial depôt, 259.
Council of Nice, its recognition of the
bishops of Alexandria, Rome, and An- tioch by the title of patriarchs, 5; the bishop of Constantinople added by the Council of Constantinople, and the bi- shop of Jerusalem by the Council of Chalcedon, 5.
DANUBE, importance of its navigation to Austria, 112; attempts of Russia to de- stroy the navigation on, 116, 410. De Quincey, his account of Coleridge, 422. Dudevant (Madame), the works of, 360; her Venetian Letters,' 371.
EAST India Company, political relations of, 155; treaties offensive and defensive, 155; comment upon, 158; subsidiary force made permanent, 191; opium monopoly by, 203.
Ecclesiastical law, its study of import-
ance with reference to the papal power, 1; circumstances which gave this a pre- ponderating weight, 2; natural influ- ence of the clergy, 3; the most import- ant amongst Christian converts were
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