for all my pains. May Heaven, in accordance with my prayers, length en your majesty's days; and that Sweden, protected by your virtues, sire, may find an imperishable guarantee for her future destiny, in the absolute devotion which my heart has vowed to your majesty; in the respectful attachment of my son; in the sanctity of the laws of the state; in the uprightness of the public functionaries; and in the union, the courage, and the patriotism of all Swedes!

With the most sincere sentiments of attachment, and with the most profound respect, I am, sire, your majesty's most humble and faithful subject, and good son, C. JOHN.

Palace at Stockholm, Jan. 7, 1812.

Appointment of the Hereditary Prince of Sicily to the Government as Vicar-General, January 16.

The King our Lord, by a resolution dated this day, signed by his majesty, and sealed with the royal seal, has constituted his royal highness Don Francis, hereditary Prince of the Two Sicilies, his most dear son, his Vicargeneral in this kingdom of Sicily: transferring to him, with the most ample title of Alter Ego, the exercise of all rights, prerogatives, pre-eminencies, and powers, in the same manner as they could be exercised by his majesty in person. In the name of the king I communicate to your excellency this sovereign determination; transmitting to you also a copy of the same, that you may forthwith communicate it to all the departments depending on the office of Secretary of State, the Royal Household, the Treasury, and Commerce, which are

My most esteemed Son Francis,
Hereditary Prince of the
Two Sicilies :-

Being obliged through bodily indisposition, and from the advice of the physicians, to breathe the air of the country, and to withdraw myself from all serious application, I should esteem myself culpable before God, if I did not make such provision for the government of the kingdom, in these most difficult times, that affairs of the greatest importance should be promptly dispatched, and the public weal suffer no detriment through my infirmities. Wishing, therefore, to disbur then myself of the weight of govern ment, as long as it shall not please God to restore me to a state of health suitable for conducting it, I cannot more properly entrust it to any other than to you, my beloved son, as well because you are my legitimate successor, as on account of the experience which I have had of your high rectitude and capacity; and by these presents, with my free will and consent, I constitute and appoint you my Vi car-general in this my kingdom of Sicily, in the same way as you have been already twice Vicar-general in my

ether kingdom of Naples; and I yield and transfer to you with the ample title of Alter Ego, the exercise of all the rights, prerogatives, pre-eminencies, and powers, which could be exercised by myself: and that this my determination may be known to all, and obeyed by all, I order that this my letter, signed by myself, and sealed with my royal seal, be preserved in the archives of the kingdom, and that you direct a copy of it to be sent to all councillors and secretaries of state for their information, and that they may communicate the same to all persons interested. Given in Palermo, this 16th day of January, 1812. FERDINAND.

THOMAS DE SOMMA.

the contest, and you have gone on progressively ameliorating your institutions so as to assemble the cortes, to establish a government on the most legitimate basis, and through the medium of your representatives, to form a constitution, which is to raise you to the prosperity and grandeur of which you are worthy. True it is, that the sacred fire of patriotism burns throughout the whole extent of the peninsula,-that the war becomes every day more obstinate,— your hatred to a foreign domination more inextinguishable, the desire of vengeance stronger, your love of liberty, and of our legitimate king, Ferdinand the Seventh, more inflamed; but it is also true, that now is the time to render such great sacrifices more useful, to exterminate with

the Nation, Jan. 2d.

Spaniards, the regency, in taking upon themselves the government of the Spanish monarchy entrusted to them by the cortes in their de cree of the 22d instant, could do no less than fix their whole attention on the critical circumstances in which, the nation is placed, and on the immensity of their obligations. They do not, however, entertain for a sin gle moment, the horrible idea, that the ferocious enemy who besets us, will ultimately accomplish the subjugation of the heroic Spanish people, who are now in the 5th year of their glorious resistance. You raised the cry of independence and of vengeance, even when deprived of your princes, when your laws and institutions were trampled under foot,-when destitute of resources, and without either armies, generals, or a central and respectable government. Even then, you conquered: you have continued

ing us as the inevitable consequences of our ancient disorder, which could not be repaired amidst so many agitations. It is now time to apply with effect the great resources which we possess to the desired object which occupies our minds. Such are the duties of your new government: it acknowledges them publicly, and it promises their fulfilment. O Spaniards! fulfil your duties with the greatest constancy, and the most indefatigable energy. There have reached the government, the cries of the armies which defend us, depicting their painful privations; the groans of the inhabitants of districts ready to fall under the yoke of the barba rous invaders; the complaints of the provinces already occupied, always loyal, though oppressed and laid waste. Behold the situation of your new government; hear the demands which are made upon its attention, at the very moment of its commencing its painful functions; behold the ex

tent of its wants! To answer your own wishes and those of your representatives, it is necessary to overcome all the obstacles which have enfeebled the arrangements of authority, and to support the dignity of the govern ment with a majesty corresponding to that of the people by whom it has been formed. The very nature of this war, in which the sacred interests of religion, of the nation, and of the king are defended, imperiously require it. The impetuous and persevering character of the enemy requires it also. The strength of our alliances must be founded on this; and the safety of the country depends entirely and exclusively on the strictest union between all, and on the strength of your government.

The regency, deeply persuaded of this incontrovertible truth, will act with firmness in the performance of their delicate trust: they will watch, with the greatest activity, over the fate of the brave defenders of the country. They will give a fixed system to all the branches of the public administration under their controlwill reward those who deserve well of the country, will apply all their exertions to the expulsion of the enemy from our soil, and to maintain the empire of justice. But they will, at the same time, be inexorable towards those who are wanting in the performance of their duties, or who do not yield obedience to their resolves. Authority is null, if it be not respected. Anarchy then diffuses its deadly poison, social order is subverted, and the state advances to the most frightful dissolution. Cease, now and henceforward, all personal pretensions; the ill-understood feelings of interest dictated by provincial spirit ; exemptions unjustly demanded at this period of esolation writings which, while

To

they ought to create the most ardent patriotism, to unite and enlighten the nation, appeared inspired by the enemy for the purpose of dividing it! Cease; and let the nation appear with all the power which it possesses, and which it has displayed vigorously at different periods of its grand insurrection! The danger is great; the government neither wishes, nor ought to conceal it: let the sacrifices also be great. The regency will spare no exertions to fulfil its duties: and even though it should see itself on the brink of a precipice, it will there exercise its last act of vigour in burying itself under the ruins of the country; thus corresponding to the resolutions which you all have formed, and to the confidence reposed in it by the national congress. But, that fatal moment, Spaniards! shall not arrive. We have all sworn to be free. attain that object, let us devote the remains of our ancient opulence, exhaust our resources, and prodigally shed our blood. Of what importance are all those, when we wish to maintain the glory of our contest, our precious liberty, and the respect due to the Spanish name? Who with an avaricious hand would conceal those barren treasures which the country demands, and which the enemy contemplates with a greedy and rapacious eye? who would utter the voice of dismay for the purpose of coming to terms with the tyrant ? who will oppose himself to the legitimate authority which has emanated from the cortes, and dare to disobey it, in the hope of an impunity created by the discredit of government, and a want of confidence on the part of the people? Omissions and want of obedience can no longer be overlooked. The Spaniards desire that the government should be consolidated; and that or

der should be established; which can alone be the fruit of a constitutional system, dictated by the representatives of the nation: they wish that there should be an equality of sacrifices among those who enjoy the rights of citizens: they wish that the government, impressed with a sense of its unbounded obligations, shall employ all its zeal in annihilating the enemy's legions, and in confirming the constitution of the monarchy. As long as the regency exercises the authority entrusted to it, it will constantly endeavour to satisfy this anxious desire of the public mind, founded upon principles of equity and justice.

Spaniards! Our danger is imminent. Our fate must either be that of the most ignominious slavery, or the possession of glory and independence. The government has been form ed to advance the latter, and to open to you the path of greatness. Respect it; confide in your representa. tives and in it: all of them act towards the same object; all co-operate to attain the ultimate triumph which Providence has destined for us. You, on your part, will go on prosecuting eternal war against the tyrant; you will die sooner than submit to wear the chains of servitude; you will effectually oppose those domestic enemies who endeavour to produce disunion, or destroy the generous institutions which you have decreed. Thus, doubtless, will you act, and you shall be free; your government assures you of it. You shall be free! (Signed) JOAQUIN MOSQUERAY FIGUEroa, President,

Cadiz, Jan. 23, 1812. Treaty of Alliance between their Majesties the Emperor and King, and

the Emperor of Austria, March 14th.

His majesty, the Emperor of the French, King of Italy, &c. &c. and his majesty, the Emperor of Austria, &c. having at heart the perpetuating the amity and good intelligence which exist between them, and to concur by the friendship and force of their union in maintaining the peace of the continent, and the re-establishment of internal peace :

Considering that nothing would be more calculated to produce those happy results than the conclusion of a treaty of alliance, which should have for its object the security of their estates and possessions, and the guarantee of the principal interests of their respective policies, have named for their plenipotentiaries,

His majesty, the Emperor of the French, &c. M. Hugues Bernard, Count Maret, Duke de Bassano, &c.

And his majesty the Emperor of Austria, &c. the Prince Charles of Schwartzenberg, Duke de Kruseman, &c. who, after having exchanged their respective full powers, have agreed upon the following articles :

Art. 1. There shall be perpetual amity, and sincere union and alliance, between his majesty the Emperor of the French, &c. and his Majesty the Emperor of Austria, &c. In consequence the high contracting parties will take the greatest care to maintain the good intelligence so happily established between them, their respective states and subjects, to avoid all that could injure it, and to further on every occasion their mutual utility, honour, and advantage.

Art. 2. The two high contracting parties reciprocally guarantee the integrity of their present territories.

Art. 3. As the result of this reciprocal guarantee, the two high contracting parties will always labour to the measures that shall

concert upon

appear the most proper for the maintenance of peace ; and in case the states of one or other shall be threatened with invasion, they will employ their most efficacious offices to prevent it.

But as these good offices may not have the desired effect, they oblige themselves to mutual assistance in case one or other shall be attacked or menaced.

Art. 4. The succour stipulated by the preceding article shall be composed of 30,000 men (24,000 infantry, and 6,000 cavalry), constantly kept up to the war establishment, and of a park of 60 pieces of cannon.

Art. 5. This succour shall be furnished at the first requisition of the party attacked or menaced. It shall march in the shortest delay, and at the latest before the end of two months after the demand shall have been made.

Art 6. The two high contracting parties guarantee the integrity of the territory of the Ottoman Porte in Europe.

Art. 7. They equally recognise and guarantee the principles of the Navigation of Neutrals, such as they have been recognised and consecrated by the Treaty of Utrecht.

His Majesty the Emperor of Austria renews, as far as is needful, the engagement to adhere to the prohibitive system against England, during the present maritime war.

Art. 8. The present treaty of alliance shall not be rendered public, nor communicated to any cabinet, but in concert between the two high parties.

Correspondence between the French and English Ministers on a Proposal for Peace.

Copy of a Letter addressed by the French Minister of Foreign Af. fairs, to Lord Castlereagh, Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs to his Britannic Majesty.

"Paris, April 17, 1812. "SIR,-His majesty, constantly actuated by sentiments friendly to moderation and peace, is pleased again to make a solemn and sincere attempt to put an end to the miseries of war.

"The awful circumstances in which the world is at present placed, have induced a resolution in the breast of his majesty, the result of which has been, to authorise me to explain to you, sir, his views and intentions.

"Many changes have taken place in Europe for the last ten years, which have been the necessary consequence of the war between France and England, and many more changes will be effected by the same cause. The particular character which the war has assumed, may add to the extent and duration of these results. Exclusive and arbitrary principles cannot be combated but by an opposition without measure or end; and the system of preservation and resistance should have the same character of universali. ty, perseverance, and vigour.