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in the English language. After being long out of print, it has again been republished in London, and will be considered an acquisition by many.

CHAPTER XVIII.

Presbyterial Church Government carried into Effect.

It was found much easier to pull down than to build up. The English hierarchy had been abolished by the almost unanimous consent of both the Assembly and the Parliament, and Presbyterian church government had been adopted, by a great majority, in both these bodies; but when it was attempted to reduce the new system to practice, numerous difficulties and hinderances arose to retard the full accomplishment of the object. For certain reasons, heretofore explained, Parliament was reluctant to exert its authority to carry into effect the plan which it had sanctioned. Of this delay, great complaints were made by the Asembly; and more especially, by the London ministers, who were nearly all Presbyterians. But the greatest obstacle was the provision annexed to their ordinance, establishing Presbytery by Parliament, by which all the ecclesiastical assemblies, of every grade, were made subject to Parliament, and to commissioners appointed by them. Of this, an account has already been given. The Parliament excused themselves for not acting with more efficiency in this business, and seemed disposed to lay the blame on the tardiness of the Assembly in answering the questions which they had propounded to them. But at length, on the 22d of April, 1647, certain resolutions were adopted by both houses, and published, entitled, "Remedies for Removing Obstructions to Church Government." Letters also were ordered to be written by the Speakers of both Houses, and to

be sent to the several counties in England, to divide themselves into distinct presbyteries, or classes. Directions were also given to the ministers and elders of the several presbyteries, in the province of London, to hold their provincial assembly in the Convocation House of St. Paul's, upon the first Monday in May, and to adjourn their meetings, from day to day, and when the business was finished, to adjourn the body to the next time of meeting. But it was provided, that no act of the synod should be valid, unless there were present at least thirty-six members, whereof twelve should be ministers and twenty-four ruling elders. It was also directed, that in the presbyteries, or classical assemblies, every question should be decided by the majority of votes; but no act to be valid unless at least fifteen members were present, of whom five to be ministers and ten ruling elders. According to the plan of ecclesiastical polity, established by Parliament, in all the judicatories, the number of elders was to be double that of the ministers.

Instead of dioceses, the kingdom of England was now divided into a certain number of provinces, made up of representatives from the several classes, within their respective boundaries. Every parish had a congregational or parochial presbytery or consistory (session) for the affairs of the parish. These parochial presbyteries were combined into classes; these returned representatives to the provincial assembly, or synod, as the provincial did to the national assembly. For example, the province of London, being composed of twelve classes, or presbyteries, chose two ministers and four ruling elders, to represent them in a synod, or provincial assembly; and this judicatory received appeals from the parochial and classical presbyteries; in the same manner, the national assembly was a court of appeals from the decisions of all the inferior courts. The system here detailed, differs from the one in existence in the Presbyterian Church in the United States, only in one

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particular; the proportion of elders to ministers; which in this system was double; but in ours, they are equal.

It seems scarcely necessary to enlarge on the symmetry and equity of this system of church government. Undoubtedly, there is in the distinguishing features of this system, evidence of consummate wisdom, consistency, and order. While the government is calculated to be energetic, the liberties of the people are effectually secured by the lay representation; for ruling elders may well be considered as the representatives of the people, in all the judicatories of the church; and in this light they are viewed in the system of the Presbyterian church.

Instead of having the ministers subjected to the will of one man, often inferior to many of them in wisdom and piety, they all meet in council, on terms of perfect equality; all having received the same commission from the Head of the Church. No one can claim an authority over his brethren, which Christ expressly forbade, except a mere temporary presidency, bestowed by themselves, for the sake of order, in the transaction of business. And instead of a popular assembly, in which every man takes a part, and where but few are capable of deliberating understandingly; as is the practice of the Congregationalists, we have here the gravest and wisest of the people associated with the ministers; so that there is the best conceivable provision for having every thing transacted deliberately and in an orderly manner, and the interests of all parties provided for. And, as all local societies, or single congregations, are subject to fall under the influence of party feelings, and prejudices, and under this influence to judge partially and unjustly, it is exceedingly desirable to have the opportunity of appealing, or complaining, to higher tribunals, so constituted and situated, as to be exempt from the local influences which may have given obliquity to the judgment of inferior courts. And in this system we have a beautiful subordination in judicatories, from a national assembly down to church

sessions. A case, improperly or unjustly decided in the lowest court, can be carried up to the presbytery or classical assembly; and if still, either of the parties is dissatisfied, it can be transferred, by complaint or appeal, to the provincial assembly or synod; and finally to the highest tribunal which can with convenience be constituted. The theory of Presbyterian church government would lead not merely to a national assembly, but to an ecumenical council, where the whole Catholic church should be represented; for it is founded on the principle of the unity of the whole church. But as such assemblies would, in any condition of the world, be extremely inconvenient, and in its present state impossible, the system seems to be extended as far as expedient, when it embraces all who agree in any one nation. While this system guards against prelatical tyranny and usurpation on the one hand, and popular anarchy on the other; it is adapted not only to recognise and to give visibility to the unity of the church, but to preserve a consistency and harmony in the action of the several subordinate parts, constituting the whole body. For although a perfect uniformity, in all the forms of worship, and in all the rules of discipline, is not to be expected, nor attempted, by any coercive or authoritative measures, yet who can deny that there is a peculiar beauty in a large society, consisting of thousands of constituent parts, not only existing in a state of exact subordination of the parts to the whole, but exhibiting a delightful uniformity in all their religious customs, modes of worship, and rules of discipline?

There may be an approximation to this system in Congregational churches; and which has often been found in practice, where committees are appointed by the people, to act for them, in the transaction of church affairs. But while we think, that this is not consistent with the rigid principles of Congregationalism, yet we believe that mere agents of the people, selected from time to time, will never have the same

influence, or possess the same advantage for regulating ecclesiastical matters, as ruling elders, believed to have their authority from Jesus Christ himself, as "helps" to the minister; and who are solemnly consecrated to this office; and who enter into sacred obligations to be faithful and diligent in the performance of its duties.

Nothing has been said, in the preceding remarks, respecting deacons, because they have no part assigned them in the government of the church. A deacon, as such, cannot sit as a member, even of the lowest judicatories of the church; yet is the office a permanent one, and of great importance in certain states of the church, where the number of poor saints is multiplied by persecution, famine, or any other cause. And, as "we always have the poor with us," and ought "to do them good," every church should be furnished with officers, or servants, to attend to this very thing. And accordingly, the qualifications of a deacon, and of his family too, are as distinctly set down in Scripture, as those of presbyters or bishops.

The plan of Presbyterian government went more fully into effect in the province of London, and Lancashire, than any where else; but even here it met with many obstructions, not growing out of the system itself, but owing to the increasing troubles of the times, and especially to the difference which arose between the Parliament and the army. As the latter were unfriendly to the Presbyterian system, and favourable to Independency, just in proportion as their counsels prevailed, the influence of the Presbyterians decreased, until at length, all power was usurped by one individual, who was an Independent in principle; and although he gave liberty of conscience professedly, except to Prelatists and Papists, yet was inimical to the rule of Presbytery, and had it in his power to paralyse all the operations of the new system.

But although Presbyterianism, as the established religion of England, had but a short continuance, and was but partially carried into effect, yet it will be grat

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