1. 105.

With praeruptus aquae mons' comp. Od. 3. 290, κύματά τε τροφόεντα, πελώρια, ἶσα Ŏpeσow. The whole context, indeed, of this passage in the Odyssey seems to have been in Virgil's mind when he was writing his description of this storm.

'Celsis in puppibus arma Caici.' aeratis posuissem puppibus arma :"

1. 183.

Further illustrated by Val. Fl. 1. 339, “Primus in comp. ib. 495., 5. 8, 214.

1.502.

Comp. Lucretius' "tacita pectus dulcedine tangent" Lucr. 3. 896.

2.36.

Virgil seems to be closely following the account of Arctinus in his 'IXíov wépois (ap. Procl. quoted by Welcker, Epischer Cyclus 2. p. 522), ŵs tà repì tòv Innov oi Tpŵes ὑπόπτως ἔχοντες περιστάντες βουλεύονται ὅτι χρὴ ποιεῖν, καὶ τοῖς μὲν δοκεῖ κατακρημνίσαι αὐτόν, τοῖς δὲ καταφλέγειν, οἱ δὲ ἱερὸν αὐτὸν ἀνατεθῆναι. The proposal to burn the horse is an addition to the account given in Homer (Od. 8. 506 foll.), and Virgil has followed Arctinus, not Homer, in the order in which he mentions the proposals.

2.616.

'Nimbo effulgens et Gorgone saeva.' The reading' nimbo' may further be supported by Il. 18. 203 foll., where Athene arms Achilles with the aegis and crowns his head with a cloud from which issues a blaze of flame :

Αὐτὰρ Ἀχιλλεὺς ἄρτο Διὶ φίλος· αὐτὰρ Αθήνη

Ωμοις ιφθίμοισι βάλ ̓ αἰγίδα θυσσανόεσσαν

̓Αμφὶ δέ οἱ κεφαλῇ νέφος ἔστεφε δια θεάων

Χρύσεον, ἐκ δ ̓ αὐτοῦ δαῖε φλόγα παμφανόωσαν.

Comp. the imitation of Virgil by Silius 12. 719 foll., "Sed enim adspice, quantus Aegida commoveat nimbos flammasque vomentem Iuppiter, et quantis pascat ferus ignibus iras." The storm-cloud and the lightning are naturally connected. A passage in Prudentius (contra Symmachum 2. 576) may however be quoted for limbo:" "Nec Paphiam niveae vexere columbae, Cuius inauratam tremeret gens Persica limbum."

2. 624.

Comp. Il. 22. 410, Τῷ δὲ μάλιστ ̓ ἄρ ̓ ἔην ἐναλίγκιον ὡς εἰ ἅπασα Ἴλιος ὀφρυόεσσα πυρὶ σμύχοιτο κατ ̓ ἄκρης.

4. 11.

Comp. Val. Fl. 2. 490-2, “Neque enim tam lata videbam Pectora, Neptunus muros cum iungeret astris, Nec tales humeros pharetramque gerebat Apollo." The same writer has "pectore et armis" of Pollux boxing 4. 265. Both passages support the explanation of 'armis' given in the commentary.

4. 707.

Comp. Lucr. 3. 439, "Cum semel ex hominis membris ablata recessit" (anima).

5. 466.

The expression vires aliae' is used by Valerius Flaccus 6. 123 of strength diminished (by old age): "Namque ubi iam viresque aliae, notasque refutat Arcus" &c.

6. 80.

Comp. Varius ap. Macrob. 6. 2. 19, "Quem non ille sinit lentae moderator habenae Qua velit ire, sed angusto prius ore coercens Insultare docet campis, fingitque morando.”

6. 126.

Facilis descensus Averno.' The nearest Greek parallel to (perhaps the origin of) this passage seems to be Aeschylus (quoted by Plato, Phaedo p. 108 A) σrl d'apа h πopeia οὐχ ὡς ὁ Αἰσχύλου Τήλεφος λέγει· ἐκεῖνος μὲν γὰρ ἁπλῆν οἶμόν φησιν εἰς Αΐδου φέρειν.

6. 273 foll.

'Vestibulum ante ipsum primisque in faucibus Orci' &c. Germanus showed that Virgil was here thinking of Lucretius 3. 65 foll., as Conington has already pointed out. But Virgil's debt to the third book of Lucretius does not end here. Notice Virgil's terribiles visu formae, 'luctus,' 'ultrices Curae,' ' morbi,'' metus,' 'sopor,' and then read side by side with his description Lucretius' lines (3. 459 foll.) detailing the diseases of the mind:

"His accedit uti videamus, corpus ut ipsum
Suscipere inmanis morbos durumque dolorem,
Sic animum curas acris luctumque metumque,
*
*

*

Interdumque gravi lethargo fertur in altum

Aeternumque soporem oculis nutuque cadenti."

The view of the critic alluded to in the notes, that Virgil's consanguineus Leti Sopor' is not 'sleep' but 'lethargy,' receives some confirmation from this passage, if I am right in comparing it. And that Seneca so understood Virgil seems very probable from the description of Hades (modelled in every line upon Virgil) in the Hercules Furens, where we read (v. 690) “Taxo imminente, quam tenent segnis Sopor, Famesque maesta tabido rictu iacens." Virgil's words are probably immediately suggested by Hesiod, Theog. 758 (of the under-world),

Ενθα δὲ Νυκτὸς παῖδες ἐρεμνῆς οἰκί ̓ ἔχουσιν,

Ὕπνος καὶ Θάνατος, δεινοὶ θεοί.
6. 427.

'Infantumque animae flentes in limine primo' is explained in the notes as a reference to the Roman habit of burying new-born infants "in suggrundis," under the eaves of the house. It may perhaps be worth noticing that the ghost in Plautus' Mostellaria (2. 2. 67) is made to say "Nam me Acheruntem recipere Orcus noluit, Quia praemature vita careo." The infants in Virgil are indeed allowed to cross the Styx, but they do not get further than the threshold of Orcus. Both the passage in Plautus and that in Virgil seem to be based on a notion that a full term of life ended by a natural or honourable or happy death was a necessary condition for a complete admission into the under-world. Comp. Virgil's language about Dido at the end of the fourth book: "Nam quia nec fato, merita nec morte peribat, Nondum illi flavum Proserpina vertice crinem Abstulerat " &c. Tertullian de Anima 56 says, "Aiunt et immatura morte praeventas eo usque vagari istic, donec reliquatio compleatur aetatum, quas tum pervixissent, si non intempestive obiissent." That Virgil was influenced by this notion seems clear from the fact that he places the unjustly-condemned, the suicides, and the victims of unrequited love next to the infants in the under-world.

6. 545.

The phrase explere numerum' is used by Seneca ad Marciam 12. 3, "degenerem aliquem et numerum tantum nomenque filii expleturum."

Suspensae ad ventos: aliis sub gurgite vasto

Infectum eluitur scelus, aut exuritur igni.
Quisque suos patimur Manis."

This, the MS. order of the lines, seems, in spite of the difficulties presented by the obviously unfinished state of the whole passage, to be more natural than the transposed order adopted by Ribbeck. Virgil has enumerated the various punishments of the guilty souls: he then naturally adds that they suffer "quisque suos Manis." Each suffers a punishment appropriate, we must suppose, to his crime. But why should Virgil write "Manis " when "poenas" would equally have suited his metre? Manes seems (if I may venture to offer a fresh suggestion on so well-worn a difficulty) to mean the spiritual representative of the man once living: the same personality living on in the under-world. Each soul, then, says Virgil, suffers its own personality or its own spiritual being. But this can only have a meaning if there be something in the spiritual being to cause suffering: and the cause of suffering can be nothing but the defilements contracted by each soul in the former life. The words should therefore mean "we each suffer the defilements of our spiritual being:" these follow us into the under-world and there take vengeance upon us. Now Seneca in his Hercules Furens (v. 735) describing the punishments of guilty souls in the under-world, says (in a context full of reminiscences of Virgil),

"Quod quisque fecit, patitur: auctorem scelus
Repetit, suoque premitur exemplo nocens."

Is it possible that Seneca was putting in his clear and logical way what Virgil expresses vaguely and poetically? If so, Virgil may perhaps be supposed to have dimly adumbrated the theory which Seneca follows, that each soul is punished in kind: "we each suffer, i. e. suffer for, the stains which we bring with us: our crimes pursue us in the form of their punishment." Thus understood, the words " quisque suos patimur Manis" would be a real continuation of the preceding lines.

7.8.

Adspirant aurae in noctem.' That "in noctem" means "as the night comes on" seems to be made certain by Sen. Agam. 576, “cecidit in lucem furor" (of a storm). Comp. also Val. Fl. 2. 60, "In noctem venti veloque marique Incumbunt magis.” Perhaps in G. 2. 332, “Inque novos soles audent se gramina tuto Credere," "in novos soles" may be understood in the same way.

7.567.

Torto vertice' is from Lucretius 1. 293.

7.586.

'Ille velut pelagi rupes' &c. This simile, or one not unlike it, was already to Virgil's hand in the Oenomaus of Attius: comp. Cic. Fam. 9. 16. 6, "Ita fit ut et consiliorum superiorum conscientia et praesentis temporis moderatione me consoler, et illam Attii similitudinem non iam [modo] ad invidiam sed ad fortunam transferam, quam existimem levem et imbecillam ab animo firmo et gravi tamquam fluctum a saxo frangi oportere."

8.90.

For the use of 'secundus ' in the phrase “rumore secundo" comp. Cicero, Leg. Agr. 2. 37. 101, "Quis unquam tam secunda contione legem agrariam suasit quam ego dissuasi ?"

8. 242.

With umbrosae cavernae' may perhaps be compared Hom.'s hepóevra Táptapov Il. 8. 13: with barathrum' in v. 215 Bépc@pov ib. 15.

8.522.

'Putabant, ni . . . dedisset.' This construction is not unknown to Cicero, who says (Phil. 6. 5) "Campus Martius restabat, nisi prius cum fratre fugisset." Comp. ad Att. 5. 18, "Nihil enim certi habebamus, nisi accepissemus tuas litteras:" and Sallust Jug. 25, "Timebat iram senatus, nisi paruisset legibus."

8. 643.

For the tense and the mood of 'maneres' we may perhaps compare Cic. Sest. 24, “Quod si meis periculis laetabantur, urbis tamen periculo commoverentur.”

9. 63.

With edendi rabies' comp. Sen. Ben. 3. 26, "accusandi frequens et paene publica rabies."

9. 354.

In illustration of 'cupidine ferri' it may be remarked that Cicero always says "efferri laetitia," but 66 ferri libidine" (Wesenberg quoted by Reid on Cicero's Academica p. 131).

10. 188.

It seems to me probable that Virgil meant the words 'crimen amor vestrum' to be taken not as Conington (who wrote the note on the passage) understood them, but as an address to Venus and Cupid, and as referring to "olorinae pennae.” A reproach, Love, to thee and thy mother." "Vester" is often used in Latin in addressing a single person who represents others: it is sufficient to quote from Virgil "Vestras, Eure, domos" 1. 140. 'Crimen' is constantly used by the poets in the sense of reproach, as the following passages, some of which look like reminiscences of Virgil's words here, 'will show: Ovid M. 8. 239, "Unica tum volucris, nec visa prioribus annis, Factaque nuper avis, longum tibi, Daedale, crimen, Namque huic tradiderat " &c.3: Ov. Am. 2. 11. 35, Vestrum crimen erit talis iactura puellae, Nereidesque deae" &c.: ib. 2. 17. 25, "Non tibi crimen ero:" Her. 15. 180, "Ne sim Leucadiae mortua crimen aquae : Propertius 1. 11. 30, "A pereant Baiae crimen amoris aquae:" ib. 3. 24 (28). 2, “Tam formosa tuum mortua crimen erit:" Silius 3. 420 (of the Pyrenees), "Nomen Bebrycia duxere a virgine colles, Hospitis Alcidae crimen," where 'crimen' stands in apposition to "nomen" just as, according to the explanation I am defending, it would stand in apposition to 'pennae' here. Madvig's treatment of the passage has been discussed in the preceding paper.

11. 335.

With 'consulite in medium' comp. Livy 24. 23. 15, “undique consuli in medium,” where "in medium" means "for the public good."

3 Mr. Herbert Richards in the Journal of Philology, vol. 5, No. 9, rightly draws attention to the fact that the words "Namque huic

H. NETTLESHIP.

tradiderat "look like an imitation of Virgil's "Namque ferunt Cycnum, &c."

Abies, of a ship, 8. 91: of a spear, 11. 667 Ad, in composition, 9. 52