The general Views of these Nonconformists.

51

on political grounds, lately supported a system of exclusively secular education. The purely Secular party are destined to be absorbed into that of Protestant Nonconformity, or to cease to exist. These Nonconformists would prefer to retain their Congregational Schools though they "are satisfied that, to give a secular education to the whole nation, does not belong to the religious men of it:" "that, if left to themselves, few of them would become just towards a schoolmaster, without ceasing to be just in a still greater degree, towards their pastors:"2-and that they "may accept assistance from the State in this matter, consistently with a due regard to their liberties, as men and Christians."3

Instead of excluding religious instruction from the school, as was proposed by the Secular Educationists, they propose, "that the religious education be left, in all cases, to be determined by the School Committee;" and, that in "schools where the children belong, in considerable numbers, to parents of different religious denominations, the direct religious teaching by the schoolmaster, or by ministers of religion, should be confined to particular school hours, as approved by the School Committee, and the attendance of children during those hours should be left optional with their parents."4 These views have no doubt caused the recent improvement in the plans of the National Association, by which existing schools have been included in their scheme, and thus practically changed its entire character.

Further, they revolt from the idea of absorbing the whole school system (whatever its origin) into one, so purely dependent on national resources, as that proposed by the National Association. They "regard the amount of self-derived education, realized by the people of this country, as something almost sacred." "It is

1 Dr. Vaughan, No. VIII. British Quarterly Review, p. 485. 2 Ibid. p. 505.

5 Ibid. p. 475.

Ibid. p. 485.

* Ibid. p. 486.

52

The combined Action of these Parties impossible. the glory of Englishmen that they look to themselves for so much, and to their Government for so little. This voluntary spirit is our national spirit, and in its maturity we have the proper manhood of nations. Of course this principle must have its limits." They would therefore not extinguish voluntary exertions.

Instead of converting their schools into purely civil institutions, governed by committees elected by the ratepayers, the Nonconformists would retain their present Congregational constitution, "insisting1 that their own principles should be respected in their own schools, and by restricting the terms of their co-operation with the Government, in popular education, to this point, they would' not only retain their place as educators, but become more than ever effective in that department of labour; and this without at all relinquishing their right of protest against the less enlightened principles which may be acted upon elsewhere."

It is not necessary to proceed further with this Review of the principles and proceedings of the parties, who have watched with the greatest vigilance the administration of the Committee of Council on Education. Two parties only are irreconcileably opposed to the tendencies of that administration. These parties are at the opposite poles of religious polity. Though, however, they could not coalesce in the support of any common plan, their separate action, in opposition to the Committee of Council, might be simultaneous. The disciples of Laud might thus co-operate with the descendants of the Puritans, to retard the progress of Public Education. The best means of averting this evil has appeared to me to be a simple analysis of the doctrines professed by these parties, which I have not thought it necessary to subject to any searching criticism. I do not believe that these principles have any hold on Parliament, or on the

1 Dr. Vaughan, No. XI. British Quarterly Review, p. 268.

Public opinion does not sanction these Principles. 53

convictions of the great body of the people from which emanates decisive expressions of public opinion. But there might be some danger in the absence of a clear definition of these views. This I have attempted to give; and lest I should be accused of any mis-representation, I have appended, in notes, proofs that my exposition is correct.

CHAP. II.

THE RESULTS OF THE MINUTES OF 1846-7, AND PRELIMINARY

MEASURES.

A SYSTEM of National Education is necessarily of slow growth. In a country possessing representative institutions, public opinion must first be convinced of the necessity and utility of so vast a creation, as that of universally accessible and efficient elementary schools. To suppose that, in the attainment of this conviction, all difficulties are surmounted, would be a proof of a singular want of political experience. In a mixed constitution, protecting all in the enjoyment of civil and religious freedom, the most difficult problem which can be proposed to a statesman is such a scheme, involving the civil rights and religious privileges of every class, yet in harmony with political justice, and being a full expression of the national power.

Even when these political difficulties are surmounted, the constitution of schools will be found to be interwoven with their organization and with the arrangements for an efficient school inspection, both of which require a nice adjustment of the relations of the local managers and the religious body with the Government, before a plan for the apprenticeship of Pupil Teachers and the award of certificates to Teachers can be developed. In the Normal Training Schools, in which the education of the apprentices must be completed, arise vital questions as to their connexion with the religious Communion and the Government-the curriculum of study the proper province of inspection-the conditions of the contributions to be granted in aid of their

Some Results of Thirteen Years of Administration. 55

annual expenditure-the diplomas to be awarded to successful students, and the extent to which this institution may properly exercise its influence as a corporate body, on elementary schools temporarily associated with it, by teachers who have completed their education under its guidance.

This sketch may suffice to show that, if, in the thirteen years which have elapsed since its origin, these questions have been satisfactorily adjusted, the Committee of Council on Education has made no mean contribution, towards the settlement of a system of National Education. But these are only preliminaries to that universal diffusion and general efficiency of elementary schools, which it is the object of such a system to establish.

The state of elementary schools when this Committee commenced its labours, and the mode in which these difficulties were solved, are described in two pamphlets, entitled respectively, "Recent Measures for the Promotion of Education," (1839-40), and "The School in its relations with the State, the Church, and the Congregation" (1847). The latter pamphlet also contains a sketch of the administrative measures, which led to the adoption of the Minutes of 1846, and explains, in some detail, their political and social bearings; their connexion with the internal organization and management of schools; and their anticipated influence on the efficiency both of elementary schools and of Training Colleges.

These summaries render it unnecessary now to review such matters in detail. A brief recapitulation, from a different point of view to that from which they were surveyed in these pamphlets, will enable the reader to estimate the value of the results of these measures.

After the failure of a plan of Public Education in 1839, in which a scheme of combined schools, on the basis of religious equality, was brought into discussion, and of another plan of combined education, in